By Michael Owhoko, Ph.D

For how long shall the rest of the country look on while Fulani ethnic militia trouble the peace of Nigeria?  Why are Fulaniterror groups spreading fear, causing pains and inflicting psychological trauma on Nigerians through deliberate, calculated and organised acts of kidnapping, torture, rape and killings? What exactly do they want, and for how long will Nigeria endure this malevolence?  Nigeria’s current despicable image as fifth-most-violent country in the world, is largely due to this jihadist voyage.

Of over 250 ethnic groups in Nigeria, why is the Fulani the only tribe that has chosen this nefarious and cold-hearted path of violating rights of fellow citizens with impunity?  If all other ethnic groups resolved to embark on similar acts of violence, will the country be safe and conducive for them to live in?  Or do they think they have exclusive capacity for violence?  Who will call them and their sponsors to order? Painfully, all other ethnic groups had been in existence in Nigeria before the adventof Fulani in 1800.

Ironically, these lawless and violent extremists constitute a handful of the larger Fulani population who transact and go about their businesses peacefully without links to criminal and armed banditry gangs across the country.  Actions and demeanors of these sadistic minority are already rubbing off on the image and reputation of the entire Fulani ethnic nationality, who are being perceived as risky to live with, particularly by victims and Nigerians whose peace and safety have been breached.

In the African tradition, when a group of miscreants deviatefrom accepted norms, society looks up to leaders and prominent members of such ethnic group to use their authority to prevail on them.  In Nigeria, there are influential Fulani leaders who can call these Fulani criminals to order.  We have the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III, the Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Engr. Rabiu Kwankwanso, Alhaji Abdulsamad Rabiu, NSA MallamNuhu Ribadu, Mallam El Ru’Fai, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, Alhaji Abdullahi Gaduje, Alhaji Dikko Umar Radda, Alhaji Bala Mohammed, Alhaji Abdullahi Sule, Alhaji Nasir Idris, and so on. They can exert their influence on them to stop the carnage.

The Emir of Kano had demonstrated this possibility previously.  As the spiritual leader (khalifa) of the Tijanniyah Sufi order in Nigeria and also leader of Tabital Pulaaku International, a cultural organization of the Fulani, Sanusi is revered among the Fulanis.  He had travelled to Ghana in the past to intercede when Ghana threatened to expel Fulani over alleged criminal activitieswhich had fueled public anger and tension in the country.

The Nigerian Fulani is part of Tabital Pulaaku International.  Therefore, Sanusi, in his capacity as leader of this cultural organization, can call these Fulani Islamic extremists to order.  Besides, prominent Kaduna-based Islamic scholar, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who had interfaced, negotiated and brokered peace with Fulani terror groups in the past, can also deploy his contacts and influence to rein in their activities.  Gumi is notableand commands their respect. This is important because of the growing adverse public emotions against Fulani militia, which is slowly but steadily, impacting negatively on the Fulani people.  

Furthermore, the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and Northern Elders’ Forum (NEF) can also mediate by emulating Afenifere and Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF).  Afenifereintervened when the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) was going to extremities, just as PANDEF doused tension when Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) exceeded their course, though their mission differed fundamentally from the Fulani jihadists. While the philosophy of the Fulani ethnic militia is based on forceful territorial acquisition driven by jihadism and violent conflict, the struggle of OPC and NDA were based on protection of Yoruba identity and resource control, in that order.  

The silence of Fulani leadership is unhelpful and widening public suspicion. Their intervention will not only go a long way to control the damaged reputation of the Fulani ethnic nationality; it will curtail growing tendencies to label Fulani as untrustworthy people with behavioural red flag. This perception is gradually gaining ground, with danger of isolation by other ethnic nationalities in the face of continued threat to peace and safety.

This emerging reality played out recently when a video of a Fulani man went virile.  In the video, the man who is of Fulani heritage, expressed frustration when he was refused by other passengers from boarding same commercial bus with them from Lagos to Calabar.  Ground of refusal was his ethnic identity asFulani, whom they considered unsafe to travel with.  As a result, his transport fare was refunded and forced by the transport company to disembark.  

In the light of this experience, I venture to predict that this is going to be the trend in the coming years.  Also, there is high probability of counterattacks over the Fulani menace soon, as endurance capacity of other ethnic groups is nearing dangerous limit. When a man is pushed to the wall with his life threatened, he will be forced to push back, not with smile, but with propelled astronomic anger.  Put differently, self-defence will become inevitable and unstoppable, except there is a 180-degree turn by Fulani insurgents.

The Fulani terror groups are overstepping their bounds.  This is not the time to keep mute.  It is high time prominent Fulani leaders spoke out in unison to condemn and call these miscreants to order.  A stitch in time saves nine. Martin Luther King Jnr, said “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” But we all cannot be fools at the same time, hence cannot perish together.  It is better to defend oneselfthan to foolishly yield to unprovoked assaults.  

Currently, there is no part of Nigeria that is not under attack by armed Fulani extremists.  They have infiltrated all six geo-political areas, occupying farmlands and bushes of ancestral communities of other ethnic nationalities, from where they launch unwarranted onslaughts on innocent citizens.  This is unacceptable.  These killings must stop before they set the country on fire.  

Fulani history of lethal proclivity initially informed the classification of Fulani armed militia as fourth deadliest terror group in the world by the Global Terrorism Index (GTI) in 2015.  But somehow, this label later disappeared from the international terrorism rankings, perhaps, due to confusion created by the Nigerian public in recurrently describing armed Fulani terror groups as “bandits” and “gun men”, same way armed herders’ offensives on farmers, are wrongly depicted as “farmers-herders clash”.  

From the report of The Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa (ORFA) released this year, 2026, it is scary to note that a total of 79,323 people were killed between 2020 and 2025 across Nigeria, including 42,000 innocent civilians.  According to the report, Fulani terror groups alone killed 44 percent of the 42,000, while Boko Haram murdered 8 percent and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) was responsible for 4 percent.  

This shows that Fulani ethnic militia are deadlier than Boko Harm, ISWAP, Ansaru, Mahmuda and Lakurawa.  This status isaptly captured in the Agatu massacre of 2016 where between 300 and 500 people were killed; the Christmas Eve mayhem at Bokkos and Barkin Ladi local government areas of Plateau State in 2023 where about 200 people were slaughtered; and the Yelwata bloodbath of 2025 which claimed approximately 150 lives.  This is exclusive of other killings across the six geo-political areas of the country.

Nigeria cannot continue in this circle. It is a secular country and belongs to all.  The various ethnic nationalities that make up Nigeria are historically and culturally different with varied values, dreams and aspirations.  They only ceded their sovereignty for Nigeria, and so, no one ethnic group has the right to kill and make life unbearable for others.  Citizens should be able to live peacefully in a country where their future and thatof their children are guaranteed.  

The Fulani leadership should therefore cooperate and work closely with government to stop to this bloodbath, otherwise, a process for peaceful dismemberment of the country should be initiated.  It is important to be reminded that ethnic discontent and national injustice were what triggered the quest for regional autonomy and agitation for self-determination as epitomized by Yoruba Nation/Oduduwa Republic, Biafra Republic and Niger Delta Republic.  The fire was only put out; the smoke is still raging.

Dr. Mike Owhoko, Lagos-based public policy analyst, author, and journalist, can be reached at www.mikeowhoko.com, and followed on X {formerly Twitter} @michaelowhoko.

By Segun Adeleye

To ask whether Bola Tinubu has lived up to expectations since he stepped into office as Nigeria’s President three years ago will definitely attract mixed reactions.

Having started with a series titled “If I were Tinubu” before the president took the oath of office in 2023, which culminated in my book ‘Tinubu: Audacity to Hope’, foreworded by the Afenifere leader, Pa Reuben Fasoranti, one perspective through which I can review his third year is to reflect on questions that can also serve as warnings, for our country not to allow ‘stomach infrastructure’ dictate to the conscience and the purpose that has been denied, challenged, and continues to be resisted by some known and unknown internal and global forces.

TIME AND PURPOSE

The cycle of life teaches us to appreciate every stage of our journey. Life is constantly changing, with every experience, whether joyful or painful, contributing to who we are.

We can’t seem to get away from the culture that keeps the name of the current ruler on our lips as the architect of our misfortunes. Can this be traced to the history of dashed hopes and lack of opportunities?

There is time and season for every purpose in life. A few years ago,  Buhari was like the most hated name that many Nigerian could ever wished for. We had similar experience with those before him like Obasanjo,  Yar’Adua and Abacha. In fact, when the news of Abacha death broke out on June 8, 1998, there was jubilation across the country with a sense of relief that nothing as worse could ever befall the country again. It will be interesting to see the result we will get if we should tabulate a question that, which of the past  administrations had brought most severe pain and anguish on the people? It has always been a case of lamenting with our current pains that our yesterday was better.

 While social media has amplified the capacity of people to criticize their leaders more than at any other time in history, the Tinubu era has witnessed a dangerous dimension with a reported coup plot against his government in January this year. The alleged plot involved a clandestine network of military officers, with an Army Colonel identified as the coordinator. Six former security officials were later charged with treason, terrorism, and terrorism financing in April 2026.

The first question to reflect on in this piece is: what are the things critics say President Tinubu should have done in his three years in power? The areas where they believe he has fallen short include inadequate social intervention programs, with the argument that palliatives aren’t enough to address poverty and food insecurity. There was criticism of the lack of meaningful relief for citizens, with many Nigerians still struggling with rising food prices, inflation, and declining purchasing power despite economic reforms.

While criticism about insufficient job creation and security measures has been strong, one of the opposition parties claimed that worsening inflation and rising food prices have made daily life increasingly difficult for citizens, while the government failed to address job creation, electricity supply, and security concerns.

The government’s responses to criticisms have been varied but mostly draw attention to several reforms and initiatives in the country. Some notable achievements it showcased include:Removing fuel subsidies and unifying FX windows; Improving tax administration, digital revenue systems, and expanding the non-oil tax base; Increasing the tax-to-GDP ratio and easing debt-service pressure; Infrastructure development with projects like the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, Abuja-Kaduna Road reconstruction, Kaduna-Birnin Gwari Road revival, and the Bonny-Bodo Road; Energy independence with Nigeria transitioning from being Africa’s largest petrol importer to West Africa’s largest exporter within two years; Improved security funding that supported efforts to combat oil theft, with incidents dropping to a 16-year low; and Student loan scheme to support indigent students in government tertiary institutions.

No doubt, President Tinubu’s economic reforms have had mixed impacts. On the positive side, they’ve strengthened economic stability and investor confidence, with foreign exchange reserves hitting $50 billion, the highest in 17 years. The reforms have also improved macroeconomic management, rebuilt buffers, and attracted portfolio inflows while reducing risk premiums. However, despite these gains, poverty and food insecurity still persist, with 63% of Nigerians said to be living in poverty and millions facing food insecurity. Inflation remains a challenge, easing slightly to 15.91% in June 2026 from 15.93% in May. The reforms have also contributed to social strain, with many businesses, especially MSMEs, struggling with operational challenges, increased production costs, and declining consumer purchasing power.

While the government has acknowledged these challenges, insisting that the reforms were necessary for long-term growth and stability, it has not provided a specific time-frame for when relief will start easing the pains. Critics of the infrastructure projects have raised questions like ‘Is it road that we go chop?’ Many have suggested alternative approaches to the reforms, including gradual subsidy phase-out, implementation of more targeted social safety nets, prioritizing economic diversification, and exploring debt restructuring options.

These alternatives seem like work in progress, with differences in implementation timelines and challenges

THE ENEMIES WITHIN AND WITHOUT

While rationalizing the questions of what has been done and what ought to have been done, my take is that it’s important not to forget Nigeria’s peculiarity, which seems to have stemmed from the defect in its creation in 1914, ignoring ethnic and cultural differences. This artificial union has contributed to post-independence governance challenges and regional tensions. The theory of conspiracies against Nigeria becoming a global economic powerhouse cannot be ignored. The neo-colonialism theory, which suggests that external forces, including former colonial powers and international financial institutions, are working to maintain Nigeria’s dependence and exploit its resources, is also relevant.

The failure of past leaders to understand the hypocrisy in the global order, which encouraged them to prioritize power and external validation over development, perpetuating inequality and poverty, is the bane of the country. Past leaders can be remembered for their wonderful campaign promises until they gained power, only to realize the depth of the problems and the complexity of achieving results in one or two terms. They then succumbed to self-preservation at all costs, including running the government on overdrafts and paying workers with loans, as witnessed during the Buhari regime. The locust years of military rule cannot be forgotten.

The leader who will transform Nigeria must understand that the problems confronting the country are not ordinary. A prosperous Nigeria will be a victory for the most oppressed people on earth and a loss to those who want it to remain dependent. That leader must be fearless and ready to give everything.

LIKE TINUBU, LIKE KING DAVID

President Tinubu seems to have cut the picture of someone who can go far if he remains stubbornly focused on what matters. It’s interesting that he described himself as a “very stubborn politician” who won’t be swayed by criticism or insecurity challenges. Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodimma, recently compared him to the late Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. He may be right. But behind this posture should be concerns about how really tough and how far Tinubu can go? How irreversible are his reforms? After all, only one who stands firm to the end can be counted as victorious.

Tinubu is a peculiar Nigerian, toughened through exposure to different ways of living at home and abroad in search of a purpose, and the journey has thrown him opportunities and challenges. He is street and politics smart. His journey shares similarities with that of King David of old Israel. Despite all past mistakes that should have ruled him out of leadership, he made it. That is mercy. Despite all opposition to his candidacy, including from his ruling party, he made it. That is grace.

Like King David, if mercy and grace can bring Tinubu this far, then lessons from history show that he can do anything he sets his mind to. Removing fuel subsidies, unifying the naira, enacting sustainable tax laws, ending financial hemorrhaging through NNPC, simultaneously building superhighways across the country, appointing professionals including young women to head strategic government institutions that were once reserved for aristocrats, and contemplating state police are unprecedented, which leaders before him could not dabble into.

Tinubu is enjoying such mercy and grace that some could argue he is not qualified for, nor worked for. He can face and tell anyone in his party that no one made him. He can dare greater things and survive them. It’s one chance. But he must understand that they will not last forever. They lasted throughout David’s life, but his son who ruled after him, King Solomon, squandered them.

King David’s story showed how he received grace and favor despite his enemies’ plans. In one of his writings, he said God made his enemies become his allies. “You prepare a table before me in the presence of my enemies”. It’s interesting to say that grace has also turned Tinubu’s enemies into his allies, given the defections of governors from opposition parties to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). With almost all governors crossing to the ruling party, his re-election bid is in overdrive.

A PRAYER FOR THE LAND

Besides politics, for the sake of Nigeria, the country, irrespective of the leadership, will need all the support and prayers of it to succeed. History has shown us how Africans with strong convictions for change were cut down at their prime. We have examples like Thomas Sankara, Muritala Mohammed, MKO Abiola, Patrice Lumumba, Samora Machel, and Chris Hani, who died in the process of trying to make a change. Citizens should pray for the peace of the land so that it will be well with them.

In the world today, there are countries that seem to have no soul, no conscience, and no God. They are in perpetual crises, fighting wars that have deferred solutions. People are dying every day, while innocent souls are perishing with every attack. Even the United States, looked up to as an advanced democracy, along with Israel, is at war with Iran, with leaders who seem to have run out of ideas on how to end bloodshed.

Nigeria once had its own taste of violence following the massacres and attacks on Igbos, particularly in the north in 1966, which led to the Civil War. Up till now, many Igbos have not summoned the courage to forgive the country, as cries of injustice and marginalization continue to divide the country. To move forward and end the cycle of hatred, people need to reflect on the wisdom that humans and perpetrators of violence are always products and victims of society, either through ignorance or diverse factors. The simple challenge for those still harboring perceptual anger and grievance is the ageless riddle that those without sin should cast the first stone.

Now, this is the one chance. Tinubu is not young. He has been favored by the country and God. He has tasted the ugly, bad, and good parts of the land. He can resolve and declare that if he perishes, he perishes. This is the one opportunity for him to change the world.

• Segun Adeleye is a media-entrepreneur, the President/CEO World Stage Limited (WorldStage) and author of books including “Tinubu the Audacity to Hope.

By Barr. Ejeh Josh

There is an old saying that the true measure of a leader is not the applause that follows his speeches, but the lives that flourish because he lived.

History is rarely kind to men who merely occupy offices; it reserves its finest pages for those who transform institutions, restore hope, and leave footprints where others left excuses. This vividly describes Senator Ikeje Israel Asogwa. It captures his journey of service beyond self. It celebrates a man who sees every moment as an opportunity to make a difference in the lives of the people.

As Senator Asogwa marks his 57th birthday, the celebration is not merely of a new age but of a remarkable journey defined by vision, courage, service, and humanity. It is the story of a man who has consistently proven that leadership is not the art of occupying power or bench-warming offices, but the discipline of making power meaningful, impactful and productive.

Born in the peaceful community of Iheaka in Igboeze South Local Government Area about 57 years ago, “Ide”, as his is fondly called, has long outgrown the boundaries of geography. His influence has travelled beyond clan and constituency, touching communities across Enugu State and extending far beyond its borders. His life reminds us that greatness is never confined by birthplace; it is measured by the breadth of lives one inspires.

Perhaps nowhere was his exceptional capacity more evident than during his tenure as Managing Director of the Enugu State Housing Development Corporation. At the time, the Corporation had become a shadow of itself; an institution many regarded as moribund and whose leadership was seen almost as a political punishment.

But where others saw a dead end, Ikeje Asogwa saw possibility. He went beyond the end of the tunnel to restore light into it.

With uncommon courage, strategic thinking, and relentless determination, he revived the Corporation from institutional obscurity into one of Nigeria’s most celebrated housing agencies. Under his stewardship, housing estates emerged across Enugu State, investment returns improved remarkably, and the Corporation earned multiple national recognitions for excellence. He did not merely rebuild an organisation; he restored public confidence in what visionary leadership can achieve.

His remarkable performance naturally led to another call to service as Executive Chairman of the Enugu State Universal Basic Education Board (ENSUBEB).

Again, he chose transformation over routine. He took a path many considered insanely. He was different in his approach. He interrogated conventions and broke jinx.

Understanding that classrooms shape the destiny of nations, he championed massive reforms that repositioned basic education to meet contemporary standards. Beyond policies and administrative reforms, his leadership brought neglected schools back to life. Dilapidated classrooms gave way to environments worthy of learning, while thousands of children gained renewed hope through improved educational infrastructure and access to quality education. His legacy within the education sector remains written not only in official records but in the dreams of countless children whose futures became brighter because someone cared enough to act.

Politics, for Senator Asogwa, has never been an avenue for personal elevation. It has remained an instrument for collective progress.

His steady contribution to democratic growth and party development found profound expression in 2023 when he was entrusted with the enormous responsibility of serving as Director-General of the Peter Mbah Campaign Organisation. Through discipline, strategic coordination, resilience, and unwavering commitment, he helped lead one of the most successful political campaigns in Enugu State’s recent history, culminating in Governor Mbah’s emergence as Governor.

Yet, beyond titles and political victories lies the attribute that perhaps defines Ikeje Asogwa most profoundly; his humanity.

He has become a refuge for the vulnerable, an advocate for young people, and a benefactor whose generosity often reaches those with whom he has no prior relationship. From sponsoring education for indigent students to empowering youths with vocational skills, from supporting struggling families to helping provide shelter for the homeless, his philanthropy has consistently demonstrated that compassion remains the highest expression of leadership.

Today, as Senator representing Enugu North Senatorial District, he continues to redefine public service. Within just about a month in office, he has brought renewed energy to representation through youth empowerment, educational support, healthcare assistance, and practical interventions that directly improve lives. For him, the Senate is not simply a chamber of legislation; it is another platform to restore hope and advance human dignity.

At 57, Distinguished Senator Asogwa stands as living proof that character outlives titles, that service outshines ambition, and that the richest legacy any leader can leave is the number of lives made better through selfless commitment.

Happy 57th Birthday to a distinguished statesman, an exceptional administrator, an accomplished entrepreneur, a compassionate philanthropist, and above all, a true friend of the people.

May the years ahead bring even greater strength, wisdom, fulfilment, and grace as you continue to build lives, shape institutions, and inspire generations.

Happy Birthday, Ide Iheaka.

• Barr. Ejeh Josh writes from Enugu