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Must they embarrass Tinubu with Malian Super Eagles coach?

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By Ikeddy ISIGUZO

BURKINABE military leader Captain Ibrahim Traore was the star attraction at Tuesday’s inauguration of Ghana’s President John Mahama. Dressed in a military attire, Traore had a holstered pistol at his waist. He was widely cheered in his show that analysts rightly concluded was an affront on democracy and a defiance of ECOWAS’ stance that military administrations should give way to elected governments.
At the event where wild applauses greeted Traore was President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, also President of ECOWAS, that in July 2023 issued orders to the military government in Niger Republic to leave within seven days. ECOWAS was reportedly mobilising a military intervention to restore civil rule in Niger Republic. ECOWAS imposed sanctions limiting trade and communication with Niger Republic, but these have been lifted.
Burkina Faso and Mali, Niger Republic’s immediate neighbours, ensured that the sanctions did not work.
“Visible weapon by a (Head of State) at such an important event, although seen as an assertion of power could also be a symbol of intimidation and raises concerns about… how we enforce our security laws internally,” a Ghanaian analyst Barnabas Nii Laryea wrote on Facebook. “This was insanely dangerous thing to do. It’s not about trust. For national security reasons, this was very reckless and shouldn’t be allowed again,” Seth Dough, a Ghanaian lawyer, posted on X.
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger Republic are all under military rule after a string of successful coups, Mali (2021), Burkina Faso (2022), and Niger Republic (2024). On 6 July 2024 they formed the Alliance of Sahel States, a confederation. It is against neo-colonialism in Africa and the world. It also disagrees with French and ECOWAS policies, deeming them contrary to the interests of the Alliance.
ECOWAS was concerned that if the three French-speaking countries succeeded they may entice the military in other ECOWAS States to join their agenda. Some former French colonies in West Africa are buying into the agenda of the three countries that would leave ECOWAS in a matter of weeks.
A more global concern was the presence of Russian mercenaries in Mali. The French forces that were fighting terrorists in the Sahel were driven away by Mali. The Russians replaced the French and are believed to be harvesting the mineral resources and influence that were once France’s. Assimi Goïta, interim President of Mali, is the actual leader of the Alliance as his coup appears to have set off the others.
Traore knew what he was doing when he turned up in Accra in miliary gears, and armed. His manner of attendance spoke of war, power, military rule as the counterpoint to civilian governments. He was representing the Alliance of Sahel States as the only Head of Government that was present. The Prime Minister represented Mali.
For the Burkinabe leader, Accra was a grand farewell to ECOWAS. There were “two regional leaders in Accra”, Tinubu and Traore. If ECOWAS wants peace, the Alliance was ready – and also prepared for war. Tinubu took all these in. Nigeria’s commitment to ECOWAS is high. Beside hosting the headquarters, Nigeria last month cleared 19-year outstanding obligations of N85 billion and $54 million which included part of 2024 dues.
Former French colonies in ECOWAS are sympathetic to the Alliance’s grievances. Cote d’Ivoire, once a bastion of French interests, is with Burkina Faso. Ivorian President Alassane Dramane Ouattara is originally from Burkina Faso and his interests in France have waned. Guinea is a perennial enemy of France. The French stripped Guinea of every moveable asset before its independence in 1958.
Senegal, and Chad, Nigeria’s north eastern neighbour, where they share the Lake Chad, have similar views with the Alliance. Chad is not renewing its defence pact with France, and like Senegal has spoken in strong terms against French troops on African soil.
Chad needs Niger’s cooperation to fight Boko Haram. The Alliance is willing to help. Chad while breaking up with France lamented that France did not assist its troops when 40 of them died in a Boko Haram attack.
The departure of the three-member Alliance from ECOWAS on 29 January 2025 is only 17 days away. President Tinubu would bear the infamy of the one under who ECOWAS that would be 50 on 28 May – a day to Tinubu’s second year in office – disintegrated. What a record!
Tinubu’s heightening relationships with France transverse trade, defence, and a pointed attention on mining of solid minerals which Mali, Chad and Niger Republic once provided for France.
In fairness to Tinubu, he inherited ECOWAS’ 15-member bloc that started degrading with the departure of Mauritania in December 2000. It gave no reason. Some say that the increasing signing of protocols that involved members in the internal affairs of others inconvenienced Mauritania. One such policy could be the proposed regional currency.
The intensity of Tinubu’s chumminess with France has made him an impartial arbiter in ECOWAS. But for the Atlantic Ocean on our southern border, Nigeria is entirely surrounded by French-speaking countries, who also dominate the numbers in ECOWAS – Republic of Benin, Ghana, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, Mali, Gambia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo. The question is how much longer would the other five remain in ECOWAS.
Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau though Portuguese-speaking, are too close to Senegal that they too have French-speaking tendencies.
The English-speaking countries are not much different. The Gambia depends on Senegal’s port in Dakar for imports, some of which go all the way to Burkina Faso, Mali, and parts of Niger Republic. Ghana is interested in the security of its northern border which it cannot protect without great relations with Burkina Faso. Was that what informed Traore’s Accra performance?
An ignored power bloc in ECOWAS is the 52-year-old Mano River Union that preceded ECOWAS. It joined Guinea, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, and Sierra Leone to explore the economic benefits of the 320-kilometre Mano River that originates from the Guinea Highlands in Liberia. Finances and the long wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone slowed down the Union but it is still flowing.
On the same Tuesday that Traore was embarrassing Tinubu in Accra, the Nigeria Football Federation, NFF, was making one of the most thoughtless decisions in Nigeria’s football history, by appointing former Malian coach, Éric Sékou Chelle, as Head Coach of the Super Eagles. His coaching abilities are too vacuous to merit an examination.
A Malian to manage a major national asset at the peak of the international row with Mali over ECOWAS?
We assume that security agencies, and the Foreign Ministry are involved in screening foreigners appointed at this level. Is it possible that nobody noticed that Chelle is from Mali which with Burkina Faso and Niger Republic have been exceptionally hostile to Nigeria since 2023?
Whoever engaged Chelle is embarrassing the President, if not Nigeria.

Finally…
PRESIDENT Tinubu is on his third trip to UAE in 17 months. Is that not too many trips to one country?
THE National Assembly needs to over-sight the $52.88 million Nigeria has just received from the US as “recovered assets”. The Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi has explained that $50m of the money would be deployed through the World Bank for rural electrification. He said the remaining $2m would be used by the International Institute of Justice to expand the justice system and combat corruption. Who decided that? And the remaining $.88m is obviously too small to deserve accounting?
WHY are we praising the Federal Government for establishing five more aviation schools when it cannot finance one school?

• ISIGUZO is a major commentator on minor issues

Opinion

Enugu State, Governor Mbah and The Road Revolution

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Enugu Works Commissioner reads riot act to construction firms
Governor Peter Mbah and other functionaries during road project inspection
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By Samson Ezea

There is no meaningful development without infrastructure, and no infrastructure impacts the daily lives of the people more directly than roads. Roads connect communities, drive commerce, reduce travel time, improve security, attract investments, and open up rural areas for economic growth. In Enugu State today, one of the most visible signatures of Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah’s administration is the aggressive push in road construction and reconstruction across the state. From urban renewal projects to strategic rural link roads, the administration has continued to redefine the state’s infrastructural landscape.

Recently, I had cause to travel to Nsukka. I began my journey from Independence Layout through the Enugu–Port Harcourt Expressway and passed through Abakpa Junction. What immediately caught my attention was the impressive level of work on the second lane of the Enugu–Onitsha Expressway, which has already been opened for use, as well as the ongoing construction of the flyover bridge at Abakpa Junction.

On getting to Penoks Junction, I became even more excited seeing the extent of the dualisation project stretching from the junction down to the flyover bridge at T-Junction as part of the ongoing dualisation of the Penoks–Opi–Nsukka Road by Governor Mbah’s administration. Unlike in the past, when journeys to Nsukka were stressful and time-consuming, I arrived in less than 40 minutes.

Apart from the already completed sections, construction work is progressing rapidly on other parts of the road, particularly from the Opi Nsukka Junction axis towards Enugu. Just like every other road, Governor Mbah’s administration has constructed and reconstructed in the state, one remarkable feature of the project is the provision of proper drainage systems on both sides of the road to ensure easy flow of erosion and floodwater. This was largely absent on the old road and had contributed significantly to its deterioration over the years.

Beyond eliminating the usual traffic congestion and gridlock associated with the route, the economic benefits and long-term impact of the dualisation of this strategic road cannot be overemphasized. It is a major gateway linking Enugu State to northern Nigeria and other parts of the South-East.

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Also, during the grand finale of the Tomorrow Is Here Movement, the vibrant support group of Governor Mbah’s administration, held at Owo Junction last month, I took time to travel through the ongoing 44.5-kilometre dual carriage road being constructed from scratch from Owo Junction through Ubahu down to Ikem. The road, when completed, will serve as another major access route connecting Enugu State to Northern Nigeria, while opening up several rural communities to development and economic opportunities.

Across Enugu State, from urban centres to rural communities, I have personally driven through several strategic roads either under construction or undergoing rehabilitation by Governor Mbah’s administration, roads I never even knew existed from my undergraduate days in Enugu till date.

Despite the huge backlog of infrastructural deficits inherited from decades of neglect by successive administrations, even before the creation of Enugu State in 1991, Governor Mbah’s administration has performed remarkably well in critical infrastructure development, particularly in roads, schools, hospitals, and related sectors. These projects are gradually transforming the developmental outlook of the state and positioning Enugu as an emerging investment destination.

From the outset, it was obvious that Governor Mbah came prepared for governance. This became even clearer on August 31, 2024, when he commissioned the Enugu State ultra-modern Mega Asphalt Plant, one of the best in the South-East region. The plant was established specifically to tackle the high cost and logistical challenges associated with road construction, especially asphalt production, which constitutes a major component of road projects.

The establishment of this important facility has significantly accelerated the pace and quality of road construction across the state.
Aside from occasional delays caused by the rainy season, most of the roads awarded by the administration are progressing steadily. Importantly, none of the projects awarded by Governor Mbah’s government has been abandoned. Construction activities are ongoing on virtually all of them, earning commendations from residents and indigenes alike.

Even as political activities ahead of the 2027 general elections intensify, with many politicians focusing more on strategies for electoral victory, Governor Mbah appears determined to allow his performance speak for him. This perhaps explains why the administration has continued to award more strategic road projects across the state.
Among the recently flagged-off projects is the 52.2-kilometre Nsukka–Leija–Aku–Akpakumeze–Eke-Ebe Road, inaugurated during the Enugu North Mega Endorsement Rally in May 2026. Other newly awarded projects include:
Beach Junction–Ovoko Afor Road, Nsukka
Enyichiru Barracks Junction Road, Nsukka – 1.2km
Mechanic Road Barracks Junction, Nsukka – 1.15km
Ugwuachara Road, Nsukka – 1.55km
Ezeagu–Umumba–Orie Engine Ebenebe Road – 10.1km
Enugu United Palm Plantation (EUPP) Access Road at Ibite Olo, Ezeagu – 14.5km
Umabi–Umuaga Link Road – 3.6km
Eke Obinagu–Obodo Nike–Umuode–Oruku–Aguikpa–Amaechi Idodo Road – 18.23km
Obodo Ukwu–Inyi Road – 5.6km
Ehuhe–Achi–Umabi Road – 13.05km
Amanpunato Achi–Amoli Road – 16.47km
Altogether, these projects cover over 151 kilometres of roads across different parts of the state.

These are not just ordinary roads; they are economic lifelines. They will boost agriculture, enhance rural commerce, improve access to healthcare and education, reduce travel time, and strengthen connectivity between rural communities and urban centres.
That is why it is amusing to read the propaganda and misinformation being circulated by some sponsored social media hirelings attempting to downplay the achievements of Governor Mbah’s administration in road construction. Their aim may be to score cheap political points ahead of the 2027 elections, but facts remain sacred.
Even to the blind, it is obvious and indisputable that Governor Mbah’s administration has done remarkably well in road construction and reconstruction across Enugu State. The administration has not abandoned any road project awarded so far and continues to initiate new projects despite growing political distractions.

The construction of the Mega Asphalt Plant at the early stage of the administration clearly demonstrated foresight, seriousness, and preparedness to tackle the long-standing challenge of deplorable roads across the state.
However, one undeniable reality remains: the infrastructural decay inherited over several decades is enormous.

Even if Governor Mbah were given another eight years focused solely on road construction, it would still be difficult to completely erase the backlog of dilapidated roads across the state. That is simply the magnitude of neglect accumulated over the years.

Nevertheless, the progress made so far deserves recognition and appreciation. Road construction is highly capital-intensive and requires careful planning, technical expertise, and time to ensure durability and quality delivery. Therefore, development should not only be assessed based on whether roads in one’s immediate community have been reconstructed. Governance must be viewed from a broader perspective.

In all fairness, Governor Peter Mbah’s administration has shown commitment, vision, and determination in addressing Enugu State’s infrastructural challenges. The ongoing road revolution across the state is not merely about laying asphalt; it is about opening up communities, stimulating economic growth, improving the quality of life of the people, and laying a solid foundation for future generations.

Indeed, the roads are speaking for the administration.

• Ezea writes from Independence Layout, Enugu State

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Business

Amukpe-Escravos pipeline and the real cost of ignoring current value, By Sufuyan Ojeifo

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Nigeria’s oil infrastructure has a habit of telling uncomfortable truths. Not just about barrels and flow rates, but about how a country chooses to value what it cannot afford to lose, and what it risks when it gets that calculation wrong.

Take the Amukpe-Escravos Pipeline, for example. A syndicate of lenders, led by Sterling Bank, is pushing back against efforts to revive a collapsed transaction involving a 40% stake in the asset. Their argument is not complicated. It is rooted in numbers and contractual discipline.

To be clear, a deal that fell apart in 2024 is being reconsidered using a valuation from that same year. However, since then, the asset has proved its worth. Independent assessments now place that stake closer to $600 million. The earlier benchmark sits far below that. The gap is not cosmetic. It is material. And if left unaddressed, it becomes a cost.

The original $243 million offer did not collapse by accident. It was terminated in October 2024 after Conpurex Limited failed to meet payment obligations, breached key terms, and sought to shift risk back to the seller. By the time the Technical Committee closed the process, confidence had already drained out of it. That much is settled.

Ordinarily, that should have been the end. Instead, there are moves to return to a September 2025 approval linked to that same process. The lenders describe this as an administrative carryover. Their response is simple. Start again. Set aside the old approval. Bring in an independent adviser. Return the asset to the market and let current value speak.

What is striking is not just the position itself, but how unusual it sounds in the Nigerian context. In a system where strategic assets have too often travelled through corridors of convenience, an insistence on valuation and process can sound almost rebellious. It should not be so.

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Because this is not entirely about one pipeline. It is about whether a terminated deal remains terminated. Whether contracts still mean what they say. Whether performance counts for anything once the paperwork has been filed away. And, crucially, who bears the cost when value is ignored.

The numbers, as always, are blunt. A 2025 independent valuation, referenced in the March 2026 edition of Africa Oil+Gas Report, places the 40% stake at a mid-case of $372 million, a high case of $544 million, and an upside of $641 million. These are not speculative figures. They reflect an asset that has quietly done its job in a difficult environment.

With a capacity of 160,000 barrels per day and uptime consistently above 95%, the Amukpe-Escravos Pipeline has become one of the more reliable evacuation routes in a system where reliability is often in short supply. While other corridors struggle with theft and disruption, this one works.

That fact matters a great deal. Because when an asset proves itself under pressure, its value does not stand still. It moves. To price it as though nothing has changed is not just a technical choice. It is a financial one. And every financial choice has consequences.

It says performance can be ignored. It says time does not count. It says administrative continuity can outrun economic reality. To be fair, the earlier process gave enough warning signs. Lenders questioned the assumptions. Coordination was weak. When Continental Oil and Gas stepped back, Conpurex entered without a clean transition and soon began to reopen settled terms, shifting obligations and introducing new conditions that unsettled the commercial balance. The eventual termination was not dramatic. It was inevitable.

What unsettles stakeholders now is the possibility that a process that ran its course may still shape the outcome. If a concluded transaction can reappear without a clear restart, the line between closure and continuity begins to blur. Once that line blurs, contractual uncertainty follows. And when certainty weakens, serious capital takes notice.

This is where the issue widens beyond the pipeline itself. Back in March, Africa Oil+Gas Report described the Amukpe-Escravos matter as no longer just a transaction story, but a test of how Nigeria governs, values, and safeguards strategic oil infrastructure. That reading feels even more relevant now.

Because what is at stake is not simply who acquires a stake in a pipeline. It is how the country signals to those willing to invest in its most critical assets. It is about whether value is recognised only in theory, or protected in practice. It is about whether losses are acknowledged, or quietly absorbed.

The lenders’ position is often described as resistance. It is better understood as discipline. Reset the process. Revisit the approval. Bring in independent oversight. Return the asset to the market through a transparent and competitive process that reflects present realities. Ensure capable counterparties. Align all stakeholders.

These are not extravagant demands. They are the basics. Nigeria has seen too many assets drift from promise to regret. Too many structures that once worked reduced to cautionary tales. When something works, when something proves resilient in a difficult system, the least that can be done is to treat it with the seriousness it has earned.

Moments like this do not announce themselves as turning points. They arrive quietly, dressed as routine decisions.

But they reveal everything. For an economy seeking disciplined capital and trying to rebuild confidence, the signal matters. Let the process be reset. Let valuation reflect reality. Let the outcome show that when Nigeria recognises value, it also knows how to protect it, and what it stands to lose when it does not.

Until then, the lenders’ position stands as a reminder that in a system where too much has been taken for granted, some lines are too important to be crossed and must be held.

● Sufuyan Ojeifo publishes THE CONCLAVE online newspaper.

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Health

How Gov Peter Mbah is rewriting Enugu’s healthcare story

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Sit-at-home: Gov Mbah threatens to sanction teachers, bankers, traders
Enugu Governor Dr Peter Mbah
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By Dr. Collins Ogbu

In the life of every society, there comes a defining moment when leadership either sustains the status quo or boldly reimagines the future. For Enugu State, that moment is now. At the centre of this transformation is Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, whose administration is not merely responding to challenges in the health sector but fundamentally rebuilding it. Recent public discourse surrounding the suspension of a health assistant trainee by a private institution has, perhaps inadvertently, created an opportunity to restate a deeper truth: the Enugu State Government remains focused, deliberate, and fully committed to repositioning healthcare delivery across the state.

For years, Enugu’s healthcare system reflected a troubling pattern familiar in many subnational contexts; underfunded primary healthcare centres, overstretched personnel, aging and inadequate infrastructure, and an overreliance on private or out-of-state medical services. Rural communities were particularly disadvantaged, often forced to travel long distances for basic care. Training institutions operated with limited capacity, while secondary and tertiary facilities struggled with outdated equipment and insufficient staffing. The system was largely reactive, constrained by years of neglect and unable to meet the growing needs of the population.

Governor Mbah’s administration has decisively broken from that past. Anchored on the principle that healthcare is a right and not a privilege, the government undertook a comprehensive audit of the sector and initiated a far-reaching reform agenda. Rather than incremental adjustments, the approach has been bold and systemic; targeting every layer of healthcare delivery, from primary care to specialised services.

Central to this transformation is the rollout of 260 Type-2 Primary Healthcare Centres across all political wards in the state. This initiative directly addresses the longstanding gap in grassroots healthcare access. Where communities once depended on poorly equipped facilities or distant hospitals, modern, well-positioned centres are now being established to provide quality care within reach. This effort is further strengthened by the recruitment of over 2,250 healthcare workers, a significant intervention aimed at resolving the manpower shortages that previously undermined service delivery.

At the secondary level, general hospitals are undergoing extensive rehabilitation to restore their capacity as reliable referral centres. Facilities such as Uwani General Hospital, which once symbolised infrastructural decline, are being transformed to meet modern standards. These upgrades are ensuring a more efficient continuum of care between primary and tertiary institutions.

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The transformation is even more pronounced in tertiary healthcare. The Enugu State University Teaching Hospital (ESUTH), Parklane, is experiencing unprecedented infrastructural expansion, including the construction of a twin six-floor Laboratory and Clinical Complex, a seven-floor Nursing Complex equipped with advanced diagnostic facilities, and a modern Accident and Emergency Department. These developments represent a significant leap from the limitations of the past, positioning the institution as a centre of excellence in both service delivery and medical training.

In the area of medical education, the administration has recorded a landmark achievement with the reaccreditation of the ESUT College of Medicine and the subsequent increase in its admission quota to 350 students – the highest among state-owned institutions in Nigeria. This milestone reflects a strategic commitment to building human capital and ensuring a steady pipeline of highly trained medical professionals for the future.

Equally significant is the completion of the State University of Medical and Applied Sciences (SUMAS) Teaching Hospital in Igbo-Eno. Unlike in previous years when a single teaching hospital struggled to meet demand, Enugu now has a second fully equipped facility, with recruitment already underway to commence full-scale operations. This expansion not only improves access to tertiary care but also strengthens the state’s capacity for medical training and research.

Crowning these efforts is the nearly completed 300-bed Enugu International Hospital, a state-of-the-art, super-specialist facility designed to elevate healthcare standards and reduce the need for outbound medical tourism. For decades, many residents sought advanced medical care outside the state or country, often at great financial and emotional cost. This facility represents a turning point, offering world-class services within Enugu and reinforcing the state’s emergence as a healthcare hub.

Amid these sweeping reforms, the government has also demonstrated a strong commitment to transparency and responsible governance. By clearly distancing itself from the internal disciplinary processes of a private institution while engaging relevant stakeholders, it underscores respect for institutional autonomy alongside responsiveness to public concerns.

What is unfolding in Enugu today is not merely policy execution but a comprehensive transformation. The contrast between the past and the present is both clear and compelling; where there were once gaps, there is now structure; where there was decline, there is now renewal. The state is moving from a system defined by limitations to one driven by vision, investment, and measurable progress.
While challenges inevitably remain, the trajectory is unmistakable.

Enugu State is no longer managing a fragile healthcare system; it is building a resilient, modern, and inclusive one. In the final analysis, Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah’s strides in the health sector are redefining not just infrastructure and policy, but the very experience of healthcare for Ndi Enugu, laying the foundation for a future where quality care is accessible, reliable, and sustainable for all.

• By Dr. Ogbu is a Senior Special Assistant, SSA to Enugu State Governor on Strategic Communications 

 

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