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Soyinka’s Metamorphosis, Echoes from “The Peoples Mandate! This is my story
Today I formally announce the publication of my book, titled: Soyinka’s Metamorphosis: Echoes from “The People’s Mandate,” a copy of which I have just received on arrival from the UK where it was published. It is a direct response to the book: Baiting Igbophobia, The Sunny Igboanugo Thesis, authored by Prof. Wole Soyinka and released sometime in January this year.
This 2024 marks my 33 years of practice as a journalist, starting from my debut with The Guardian in 1991 to joining Daily Independent in 2001 as pioneer staff and now Publisher of Whirlwindnews, an online newspaper.
My career, like those of many of my colleagues, has been marked with the ups and downs prevalent with the practice of the profession in Nigeria. For instance, as a cub reporter still learning the ropes, I was nearly mobbed by some angry civil service workers at St. Bridget College, Asaba where some of them who left Benin after the creation of Delta State from the old Bendel, by the Ibrahim Babangida regime in 1991, were quartered for lack of accommodation.
One evening, few days after arriving the city as the first reporter of The Flagship, posted to the new state, I had undertaken a discreet, but purely noble mission to investigate and ascertain the condition of the workers in their temporary abode. But the mission, purely part of my job as a reporter, soon blew into my face. The affected workers whose emotional state of reasoning appeared to have been held in place by a thin fibre due to the sudden change in their condition, and threatening to snap at any moment, soon became suspicious.
The line of my inquiry and general mannerism, which betrayed my level as a rookie, had triggered off a volley of questions from some of them, palpably, but understandably on the edge. They began to suspect I might be a criminal on a recce mission to survey their territory for later night attack, especially, as I was to discover later, as they received their salaries on the same day. It was only by the intervention of providence that I was saved from the obvious lynching. That fate could probably have included being ringed with tyre, laced with petrol and set on fire, a popular scene that portrays a sendoff party to criminals in Nigeria, known as “jungle justice.”
Again, today, I carry the physical and psychological lacerations of the aftermaths of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential elections as a believer and direct participant in the attempt to revalidate that historic mandate, which has since been achieved today. So involved was I that when the UN Special rapporteurs arrived Enugu where I was later transferred, to investigate the rights abuses associated with the June 12 struggle, I was one of the candidates they interviewed privately.
Yet again, in 2007, a state governor took four pages each in virtually all newspapers in Nigeria to denigrate me as blackmailer. His effort was to warn Nigerians about this unscrupulous journalist who went to government houses around Nigeria harassing governors for money. Ironically, this was a governor, unlike many in my line of duty, I never ever met in person, either in his private or official capacity even till date. My only crime was insisting on the sanctity of the tenure of the leadership of Ohanaeze Ndigbo during their crisis that year and thereabouts, when it was being manipulated by some powers outside the Igbo space, with the damning effect of corralling, or should I say, plunging the collective will of the people into an unnecessary suicide.
This same governor, even took out a lawsuit against me some years after and was sustaining the move to have me jailed on no account order than my purely professional duties, until providence – that fate that helps tailless-cow to chase away flies – ensured that he never made it back for a second term to continue the onslaught.
Why did I travel this far through the route of memory? It is to underscore the fact that I am not new to the travails embedded in this profession, which I love so much that I beg my creator that should I return to this part of life again, I should be allowed to practice again.
The three examples above are just samples of them. Though the joy of the glorious moments, sometimes far outweighs the pains, trials and tribulations, they are still numerous and, in many cases, life-threatening.
Yet, none of these, has brought me to the devastating level of distress I experienced in the last few months, since this book by Prof. Soyinka came to my attention. It almost brought me to the state of emotional wreck. The said book, under his INTERVENTION SERIES, was in response to my article of September 19, 2023. In the said opinion piece that triggered the mighty pen of the literary giant, I had tried, purely in line of duty, to establish the motive behind the Prof’s posturing about the 2023 presidential election, particularly with reference to Peter Obi and the Labour Party. In expounding my logic, I tried to stay the course, as a professional ought to, never delving into personal attacks or insinuating anything untoward against the revered sage.
But what did I get in reply? In his riposte via the book, the Prof. only made a scant mention of the content of the article in question. Instead, he devoted the rest to attacking my Igbo identity. Surely, if the sage, had descended on me as a person, if he had reduced me as less than Nebuchadnezzar, as he once labelled, former President Goodluck Jonathan, I would have remained mute and probably continued with my trade the way I know it.
Reading the book itself, he did exactly that. He treated me to a lavish buffet of his legendary tongue-lashing. But he did not stop at describing my persona in the most terrible terms or attacking my professional competence. For this alone there would not have been any form of contest in the form of a riposte.
My pain was the attempt by the Prof. to strip me of my identity as a Nigerian and closet me in purely ethnic straightjacket. There was nothing in the original piece from me that suggested any ethnic link by any stroke imagination. The only link I tried to establish was that the NADECO affinity the Nobel Laureate shares with President Bola Tinubu as veterans of the June 12 struggle. My take was that it was the binding factor.
I tried to explain how, having struggled together through the thick and thin of the NADECO era they had developed the compelling need to watch each other’s back no matter the circumstances. I argued that such relationship would naturally create personal indebtedness too difficult to break.
That was all my piece was all about. Even though the said article had one or two factual errors which the Prof. did not fail to point out in his book, they did not detract from the texture of the reasoning that formed the basis for holding my views. The emphasis was on the affinity that existed between him and Tinubu.
I was therefore completely aghast when the Prof. took the issue completely out of context and veered into ethic labelling. That the Prof. would take that route is my idea of a complete metamorphosis. I would not in my wildest imagination assume that the Soyinka of The Man Died fame would descend into such arena occupied by less-endowed in the society. Ordinarily, I would have depended on him to defend my right and freedom to speak my mind. But that did not happen.
That informed my determination to reply through this effort. I have decided to tell my own story to establish my true identity and insist on it. The content of this book, my own riposte, is to reveal that the Prof. is totally wrong on this.
In fact, some people still latching on similar ethnic sentiments, tried to dissuade me by pulling up what they advertised as the pro-Biafra sentiments of the Prof. They raised the issue of how he tried to help the Igbo during the civil war advising that I should ignore him.
That even strengthened my position, because I believe keeping silent would help in strengthening the ethnic slurs that have now become the burden of the Igbo man, because the likes of the Prof. are keeping silent and, in some cases promoting it. Those who read his book will not miss this trend. I believe that such a figure who stood against the bad hand dealt the Igbo people of Biafra at such a young age, should even do more now that age has added more insight and knowledge to him.
I believe my reply would reactivate his memory and remind him of who he truly is in the history of Nigeria. It was a duty I felt compelled to do. How did the Igbo come into such a plain discourse? So, an Igbo man cannot contribute to any subject in today’s Nigeria without being told from whence he is coming? Even a journalist? This is the essence of this book. This book is therefore a PROTEST! I am not only protesting with this book as an individual, but to draw global attention to the dangerous trend that has become the lot of Ndigbo today, where they are being deliberately targeted as the culprits to anything that goes wrong in the country.
I am insisting that nobody can take away my Nigerianess. I am aware that I am a global dwarf compared to the dominating image of Prof. Wole Soyinka globally. I do not compete with him or attempt to do so in any way. His own book, as usual, is already making waves nationally and internationally like many other of his works.
Mine may make little impact. But whatever impact it makes, even if it is read by one person, I will be glad that someone outside myself would have heard my story. That is why I am happy today. For the first time in months, I have once again regained some level of personal calm. I have told my story, from my little corner of the world space. Let Prof. Wole Soyinka have the world stage, but allow me to have my corner where my voice, no matter how tiny will be allowed to echo. That is my prayer.
Of course, aside my protest, I have also used this book to try and tell the full story based on my views and how I captured the 2023 general election, particularly that of the presidential polls of February 25. It is a full package that tried to puncture some of the assertions out there in the public domain, including those made by the Nobel Laureate made regarding the election.
I tried to capture the full sequence of events, their meaning and how they affected the outcome of the election in the most unbiased manner and in the end declared who I believe won the election between Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar of the PDP and Peter Obi of the Labour Party.
In the end, just as I spoke some 31 years ago on June 12, I spoke as professionally as any individual in the book. I shall continue to do so in the future. I spoke yesterday, I am speaking today and I shall speak tomorrow. I shall not only speak as an Igbo, I shall speak as a Nigerian – Nigerian with my full chest. Just like Prof. Wole Soyinka, a Yoruba or Adamu, an Hausa will speak.
Igboanugo, a reporter and Editor-in-Chief of Whirlwindnews.com.ng can be reached on ezekeoku1@gmail.com
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Alleged £1.87m Fraud: UK set to deport Nigerian Pastor, Tobi Adegboyega
A Nigerian pastor whose church was shut down over an alleged £1.87 million fraud has lost his fight against deportation, despite claiming it would breach his human rights.
An immigration tribunal has ruled that Tobi Adegboyega, 44, the cousin of John Boyega, the Star Wars actor, should be deported back to his native Nigeria after investigations, including by The Telegraph, exposed misuse of funds by his church.
Mr Adegboyega was head of SPAC Nation, a controversial church shut down after failing to properly account for more than £1.87 million of outgoings and operating with lack of transparency.
He claimed deportation would breach his right under the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) to a family life – having married a British woman.
He also said the attempt to remove him by the Home Office failed to take account of his community work with SPAC.
Describing a “charismatic” community leader of a large, well-organised church, his legal team claimed that he had “intervened in the lives of many hundreds of young people, predominantly from the black communities in London, to lead them away from trouble”.
He claimed his work had been “lauded” by politicians including Boris Johnson and senior figures within the Metropolitan Police, although no testimony by them was submitted to the court. He said that without his personal presence in London, projects that he had masterminded would fall apart or reduce in size.
However, the tribunal was told the Home Office contended “all is not as it seems”.
“Various manifestations of [Mr Adegboyega’s] church have been closed down, by either the Charity Commission or the High Court, because of concerns over its finances and lack of transparency,” according to the judgment.
‘Selling their own blood’
“Former members of the church have alleged that it is a cult, in which impoverished young people are encouraged to do anything they can to donate money, including taking out large loans, committing benefit fraud and even selling their own blood.
“It is alleged that the church leadership lead lavish lifestyles and there have, it is said, been instances of abuse. The [Home Office’s] case before us was that all of this needs to be taken into account when evaluating whether [Mr Adegboyega] is in fact of real value to the UK.”
Mr Adegboyega has lived in the UK unlawfully since overstaying on a visitor’s visa that allowed him to enter Britain in 2005. In 2019, he applied for leave to remain under ECHR’s right to a family life. His application was initially dismissed by a first-tier immigration tribunal before he appealed. In the tribunal, he maintained no one had ever faced criminal charges over his church’s finances, that many of the attacks on him and SPAC Nation were politically motivated and that claims it was a cult were unfounded.
However, the tribunal was told the Charity Commission concluded “there had been serious misconduct and/or mismanagement in the administration of the charity which was sustained over a substantial period of time”.
The tribunal also found Mr Adegboyega’s evidence to be “hyperbolic in many instances” and had “sought to grossly inflate his influence”.
“We find it to be implausible that he has the time to undertake all of this work personally,” it said.
The tribunal concluded: “We are not satisfied that the good work that SPAC Nation undertakes generally would collapse or even significantly suffer should the Appellant be required to leave the UK.
“Weighing all of the foregoing in the balance we conclude that the decision to refuse leave to remain was wholly proportionate.
“[Mr Adegboyega] seeks to rely on family and private life relationships, all of which have been established whilst he was in the UK unlawfully, and which would survive his return to Nigeria.
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REVEALED: Emefiele, cronies acquired 753-Duplex Estate with Forex kickbacks — EFCC
Court papers filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission have linked the immediate-past Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, to the massive Abuja property with 753 duplexes and other apartments located in the Cadastral Zone area of the capital city.
The anti-graft agency on Monday announced the recovery of the property from an unnamed ex-government top brass, describing the property as the biggest single recovery it had made in the course of fighting corruption since its establishment in 2003.
The recovery followed a ruling delivered on December 2, 2024 by Justice Jude Onwuegbuzie of the FCT High Court in Apo.
In the court documents obtained by our correspondent on Tuesday, the EFCC ran a narration linking Emefiele to the massive property spanning 150,500 square metre and identified as Plot 109, Cadazral Zone C09, Lokogoma District, Abuja.
Emefiele is currently being prosecuted by the EFCC in three separate cases before different judges.
Before Justice Hamza Mu’azu, he is being tried for procurement fraud, forgery of former President Muhammadu Buhari’s signature, and other charges.
Before Justice Rahman Oshodi at the Special Offences Court in Ikeja, Lagos, Emefiele is charged with alleged fraud involving $4.5bn and N2.8bn.
Additionally, Emefiele is before Justice Maryann Anenih of the FCT High Court in Abuja for allegedly approving the printing of N684.5m notes at the cost of N18.96bn.
According to the document, Emefiele allegedly carried out “monumental fraud” as the CBN governor with his cronies to acquire several properties including the estate.
“The commission whilst investigating the alleged monumental fraud carried out by the immediate past Governor of the CBN and his cronies traced and discovered several properties reasonably suspected to have been acquired and or developed with proceeds of unlawful activities.
“The property highlighted in Schedule A to this application is one of the said properties recovered, having been reasonably suspected to have been acquired/ developed with proceeds of unlawful activities.”
The EFCC alleged that “in the cause of this investigation, it was revealed that the erstwhile CBN governor negotiated kickbacks in return for allocation of foreign exchange to some companies who were in desperate need of foreign exchange for their lawful and legitimate businesses.
“Our investigation equally revealed that erstwhile CBN Governor received kickbacks from some contractors who were awarded contracts by the Central Bank of Nigeria.”
The anti-graft agency also alleged that Emefiele connived with several cronies, including one Ifeanyi Omeke, who “ran several errands for him, which included purchase and perfection of title documents for several properties located in highbrow areas of Lagos and Abuja.”
It said the documents for the Abuja property were recovered during a search of Omeke’s office and that investigators located the property on September 17, 2024 “with the assistance of a surveyor from the Abuja Geographical Information Systems, using search results and coordinate.”
The EFCC said its investigation “revealed that the said property has been abandoned and deserted with only a guard manning the said property since June 2023 upon the arrest of the erstwhile CBN Governor. “
The PUNCH reported that the Department of State Services arrested Emefiele in Lagos the following day he was suspended by President Bola Tinubu.
In October, the EFCC arrested Emefiele in less than an hour he regained his freedom from the DSS.
According to the EFCC, the massive property, allegedly acquired by Emefiele, through cronies, was originally meant for a mass housing development.
The EFCC said its investigation revealed that Emefiele used three companies to pay a total of N2.2bn to buy the property.
It said the seller “received the aggregate sum of N2,200,000,000.00,” adding that “the said three companies used for the payment of the property are enmeshed in criminal maneuvering of layering proceeds of illegal activities of Mr. Godwin Emiefele.”
According to the EFCC, one of the companies was used to pay N900m, the second paid N700m, while the third paid N600m, totalling N2.2bn.
It said the directors of the companies were arrested “and their statements voluntarily obtained in the course of investigation.”
“The funds used in the acquisition of the property highlighted in Schedule A to this application are not legitimate earnings of Godwin Emefiele but funds acquired through illegal and unlawful activities.
“That I know as a fact and verily believe that the source/origin of the funds used in the acquisition and/or development of the properties sought to be forfeited are proceeds of unlawful activities to wit: corrupt enrichment, receiving of gratification or kickbacks and abuse of office,” an EFCC investigator stated in the affidavit filed in court.
The EFCC noted that the court had on November 1, 2024 made an order for the temporary forfeiture of the property “after evaluating facts placed before it.”
It, therefore, urged the judge to order the permanent forfeiture of the property to the Federal Government as no one had come forward to challenge the facts placed before the court, in spite of adverting the interim forfeiture order in The PUNCH edition of November 6, 2024.
According to the EFCC, the court acceded to its request and has now permanently forfeited the property to the Federal Government.
Efforts to get the reaction of Emefiele’s legal team were unsuccessfuly. One of the lawyers, Matthew Burkaa( SAN), did not pick up calls to his line and had also yet to respond to a text message seeking Emefiele’s side of the story as of the time of filing this report.
(Punch)
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We received N80,000 Minimum Wage in November, no strike plan – Enugu labour leaders
The Organised Labour in Enugu State has refuted the media reports that the new minimum wage was yet to be paid in the state, saying that the implementation of the N80,000 minimum wage, which is above the N70,000 national minimum wage, commenced in November 2024.
The workers also said that they had no plan to go on strike.
They said that observed discrepancies in consequential adjustment in the implementation of the N80,000 minimum wage had already been conveyed to Governor Peter Mbah assuring that it would be addressed subsequently, as he had already earned workers’ trust by his commitment to their welfare since his assumption of office.
This was made known in a joint statement in the state capital on Tuesday by the Chairman, Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, Enugu State Council, Comrade Fabian Nwigbo; Chairman of the Trade Union Congress, TUC, Comrade Ben Asogwa; and the Chairman of the state’s Joint Public Service Negotiating Council, JNC, Comrade Ezekiel Omeh.
The statement read, “The Orgaised Labour in Enugu State wishes to make clarifications in several media reports, which wrongly project Enugu among the states that are yet to pay the national minimum wage.
“We want to acknowledge the fact that the Enugu State Government paid the N80,000 minimum wage approved by the governor in the November 2024 salary.
“However, the minimum wage paid did not reflect the consequential adjustments inherent in minimum wage implementation.
“As labour leaders, we have already communicated to His Excellency the observed discrepancies and in his usual magnanimity to the welfare of workers, we strongly believe that he will address this subsequently.
“Our confidence in the governor remains intact, considering his usual dispositions to the wellbeing of workers.
“It is worthy of note that he continued to pay wage award of N25,000 he approved for workers from December 2023 till October 2024 when the new minimum wage of N80,000 was approved and consequently reflected in the November salary.
“We also recall his good faith in ensuring that local government employees were included from the onset in the new minimum wage of N80,000, having earlier upgraded them to full N30,000 minimum wage upon assumption of office after several years of waiting.
“Likewise, he approved the payment of the N1.9bn four-year accumulated leave allowances owed to teachers of public primary schools in the state and eight-month salary arrears valued at over N467m, which were also owed the academic, non-academic, and casual staff of the Enugu State College of Education Technical, ESCET, Enugu, before his assumption of office.
“Consequently, in the same culture, we trust him to address all the concerns regarding consequential adjustments in the implementation of N80,000 minimum wage.
“So, we have not gone on strike. We do not also contemplate or foresee any strike in the near future because there is no need for that yet.”
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