Politics
Who will decide Nigeria in 2027?
By Prof. Chiwuike Uba, Ph.D.
Nigeria is fast approaching the 2027 general elections, yet the real contest is not on campaign posters or ballot boxes. It has already begun—in boardrooms, in party offices, in the flow of money, in the manipulation of structures, and in the quiet shaping of who gets to govern. For too long, Nigerians have been presented with outcomes already negotiated behind closed doors. Waiting for INEC’s timetable is already too late to influence the forces that truly determine the country’s future.
Elections in Nigeria have never truly begun on the day campaigns are officially announced. They start long before, in elite negotiations, in the capture of party structures, in the shaping of narratives, in the exclusion of credible aspirants, and in the slow sidelining of citizens from decisions that are supposed to belong to them. If Nigerians wait until campaign posters appear, they will already be late to their own future.
The months ahead are not merely a prelude to voting. They are the battleground on which who can run, what can be discussed, what is possible, and who ultimately governs will be decided. This is the moment to set the stage, define the agenda, and establish the talking points capable of mobilising the critical forces that can shift Nigeria from managed elections to people-driven choices.
Understanding the political economy of elections in Nigeria is essential to this task. Elections do not operate primarily as contests of ideas. They function, largely, as political investments. For many actors, elections are not about service but about access: access to state power, public resources, institutional protection, and economic advantage. This is why politics has become one of the most capital-intensive ventures in the country. Nomination forms cost fortunes. Delegates are monetised. Party structures are purchased. Courtrooms replace party members. Godfathers replace citizens.
In this political economy, power precedes the people, not the other way around. Those who control resources often determine who controls parties. Those who control parties often determine who appears on the ballot. And those who appear on the ballot frequently determine what choices Nigerians are permitted to make. This reality explains why elections repeatedly reproduce leadership that does not reflect the competence, character, or aspirations of the majority. Until this political economy is confronted, technical reforms alone will remain insufficient.
Public attention often fixates on election day, on voter cards, turnout figures, polling units, and result sheets. Yet the most decisive rigging in Nigeria often happens long before the first vote is cast. It happens in the hijack of party structures at ward, local government, and state levels. It happens in the imposition of ad hoc executives loyal to money rather than members. It happens in the weaponisation of court orders to determine party leadership. It happens in the systematic exclusion of credible aspirants through inflated costs and manipulated processes. It happens in the conversion of delegates into commodities.
By the time candidates emerge, the people are often presented not with options, but with outcomes already negotiated. If Nigerians want to truly decide who governs them, then citizen engagement must shift upstream, into party processes, civic pressure, community organising, professional associations, student movements, faith-based networks, labour platforms, and issue-driven coalitions. The struggle for 2027 will not be won primarily at polling units. It will be won in who controls the processes that produce the names on the ballot.
Candidate emergence remains the point at which democracy most often dies. In functional democracies, parties recruit leaders. In Nigeria, leaders often capture parties. Primaries have increasingly become ceremonial endorsements of decisions taken elsewhere. Consensus is frequently a euphemism for coercion. Aspirants who lack access to large war chests are screened out, not by ideas, but by price tags.
The consequences are severe. Competence becomes secondary to capacity to pay. Integrity becomes less valuable than loyalty to patrons. Vision loses to violence, inducement, and litigation. Citizens must therefore insist that 2027 is not merely about who wins elections, but about how candidates emerge. Transparent primaries, open membership systems, verifiable delegate lists, and community scrutiny of aspirants must become national demands, not internal party favours. If Nigerians do not democratise the gate, they cannot democratise the state.
Beyond party capture, Nigerians are painfully familiar with the manipulation that characterises voting itself: voter suppression, logistical sabotage, intimidation, inducement, technological interference, result rewriting, and the judicialisation of outcomes. These practices do more than distort numbers. They hollow out citizenship. When announced results consistently fail to reflect lived realities at polling units, people stop seeing elections as instruments of choice and begin to see them as rituals of legitimisation. Participation declines. Cynicism grows. Extremism finds space. The social contract erodes.
The danger before Nigeria is not merely flawed elections. It is the steady normalisation of disbelief. Rebuilding confidence requires more than promises. It demands organised citizens who monitor processes, protect polling units, document outcomes, challenge illegalities, and refuse to retreat once votes are cast. Democracy is not an event. It is a sustained confrontation with power.
Increasingly, however, even voting and collation are no longer seen as the final arbiters of electoral outcomes. Across election cycles, Nigerian courts have gradually replaced voters and, in many instances, the electoral commission itself as the institutions that ultimately decide who governs. Candidates who never meaningfully campaigned, who were rejected at primaries, or who lost at the polls have emerged victorious through judgments. Entire mandates have been conferred or withdrawn not at polling units, but in courtrooms.
This growing judicialisation of politics represents one of the most profound distortions of Nigeria’s democracy. Courts are no longer merely resolving disputes arising from elections. They are increasingly determining the substance of electoral outcomes. Technicalities eclipse popular will. Procedural errors overshadow millions of votes. Party paperwork sometimes outweighs public mandate. In this environment, elections become provisional exercises, pending judicial confirmation, and citizens are subtly taught that their votes are only the opening arguments in a much longer legal contest.
The dangers of this trend are far-reaching. It weakens the authority of INEC and erodes public confidence in the electoral process. It relocates political struggle from communities to court registries. It privileges those with the resources to sustain prolonged litigation over those with genuine grassroots support. It transforms judges, rather than citizens, into the final constituency that candidates must court. Even more troubling is what this does to the judiciary itself. A system repeatedly dragged into the centre of partisan warfare becomes vulnerable to pressure, inducement, blackmail, and political bargaining. Whether fair or not, public perception hardens. Many Nigerians already view the judiciary as the most corruption-infested arm of government, a belief fuelled by contradictory rulings, last-minute injunctions, forum shopping, and judgments that appear to defy both logic and popular reality. As courts increasingly decide political destinies, they also increasingly inherit the anger, suspicion, and delegitimisation that follow contested power.
When every major political contest ends in litigation, the judiciary is forced into roles it was never designed to play. It becomes an alternative electoral commission. It becomes an extension of party warfare. It becomes a bargaining arena for elite settlements. In the process, its moral authority is compromised, its institutional integrity is strained, and its image as an impartial arbiter is steadily eroded. A judiciary that should stand above politics is gradually being submerged within it, and a society that loses faith in its courts risks losing one of the last anchors of constitutional order. The tragedy is not only that votes are displaced, but that justice itself becomes politicised. As confidence in judicial neutrality weakens, citizens are less inclined to seek redress through lawful means. Rumours replace rulings. Ethnic and partisan interpretations replace legal reasoning. Violence and self-help gain appeal. What should resolve conflict instead multiplies it.
Another critical layer that must not be ignored is the growing security economy around elections. Across Nigeria, political competition is increasingly intertwined with armed groups, cult networks, criminal gangs, and militarised state responses. Elections are no longer only contests of influence but theatres of fear. Communities are threatened into silence. Turnout is suppressed through insecurity. Opponents are discouraged not only by money, but by risk. When violence becomes a campaign strategy, citizenship becomes a hazard. Democracy cannot thrive where participation endangers life, and no election can be truly free when fear shapes who can speak, organise, or vote.
Equally decisive in modern elections is control of narrative. Media capture, algorithmic manipulation, propaganda networks, and paid disinformation now shape political reality as much as party structures. Lies travel faster than manifestos. Ethnic and religious frames are amplified to distract from material failures. Opponents are delegitimised not only through courts, but through coordinated digital assaults. In this environment, citizens are not only voters; they are targets. The battle for 2027 will also be a battle for truth, and without civic media literacy and independent journalism, even technically sound elections can be socially corrupted.
Nigeria approaches 2027 as one of the youngest nations on earth, yet one of the oldest political systems in practice. A country whose median age sits below twenty continues to be governed largely by structures, figures, and cultures detached from youth realities. This demographic contradiction is not merely unfair; it is destabilising. When a political system systematically excludes its largest population block from meaningful participation, it accumulates anger, alienation, and exit. Youth disengagement is not apathy; it is often a verdict. Reclaiming the political process is therefore not optional for Nigeria’s young people. It is existential.
The cost of compromised elections is not abstract. It is measured in collapsing infrastructure, failing schools, unaffordable healthcare, deepening poverty, runaway inflation, and the normalisation of insecurity. When leaders do not emerge from popular accountability, they rarely govern through it. When power is acquired through manipulation, it is exercised through extraction. Nigeria’s governance crisis is not separate from its electoral crisis; it is its consequence. Every rigged process eventually becomes a rigged economy, a rigged justice system, and a rigged social order.
Nigeria’s democratic failures are compounded by what happens after elections. Civic energy often collapses once results are announced or cases concluded. Office holders return to isolation. Campaign promises dissolve into silence. Constituency relationships disappear. Without structured post-election accountability, even well-conducted polls can yield unresponsive governments. Democracy does not end at inauguration. It begins there. Budgets, appointments, policy choices, and institutional reforms must become sites of organised citizen engagement, otherwise electoral victories, even when genuine, quickly lose meaning.
Ultimately, the struggle for 2027 is not only political; it is moral and generational. It is about whether Nigerians will continue to hand over the future to closed circles or reclaim it for open society. It is about whether children inherit institutions that protect them or systems that prey on them. History will not only record who won elections. It will record who stood when democracy was being hollowed out, and who chose comfort over country.
The ongoing political crisis in Rivers State offers Nigerians a real-time lesson in how the struggle for 2027 is already unfolding. The face-off involving the former governor, the sitting governor, and a State House of Assembly widely perceived as still being controlled by the former power structure is not merely a local quarrel. It is an early expression of the deeper contest over who controls political machinery, institutional loyalty, and ultimately, the future electoral outcomes.
At its core, the Rivers crisis is not about personalities. It is about capture. Capture of the legislature. Capture of party structures. Capture of state institutions. Capture of political destiny. When a sitting governor governs under the shadow of a predecessor’s continuing grip on the assembly and party apparatus, it exposes a fundamental weakness in Nigeria’s democracy: elections may change office holders, but they often fail to dismantle entrenched power networks. The will of the electorate becomes secondary to internal elite settlements.
This kind of political warfare, fought through impeachments, parallel assemblies, court orders, and federal alignments, is not an exception. It is a preview of what awaits the country if citizens remain disengaged from the foundational layers of politics. Rivers State today mirrors, in concentrated form, the national struggle between democratic choice and elite continuity.
Equally instructive is the growing wave of defections by governors, legislators, and political heavyweights into the ruling party. While party switching is legal, its pattern in Nigeria often reveals less about ideology and more about survival, access, and protection. These defections weaken opposition parties and reduce electoral competition. They encourage a politics of convenience rather than conviction. They concentrate power in ways that make institutional capture easier. They signal to citizens that elections are less about public mandate and more about proximity to federal authority.
When political actors migrate en masse toward the centre of power, democracy begins to resemble a one-way traffic system. The danger is not merely the dominance of one party, but the erosion of meaningful alternatives. Without strong, credible, and organised opposition platforms, elections risk becoming formalities rather than choices. For 2027, this trend raises urgent questions. Will Nigerians be offered genuine options, or will the political marketplace be so tilted that outcomes are largely predetermined before campaigns even begin?
Nigeria’s past elections, from the early years of the Fourth Republic to the most recent cycles, reveal consistent patterns: logistical failures, monetisation of votes, violence and intimidation, abuse of incumbency, selective enforcement of rules, inconsistent application of technology, prolonged litigation, and frequent divergence between polling-unit realities and final announcements. Each election cycle has produced not only winners, but wounds. Mandates have often been settled in courtrooms rather than communities. Public confidence has risen briefly, only to decline again. Hope has repeatedly given way to fatigue. Outcomes have too often reinforced existing power blocs rather than disrupt them.
From heavily disputed results to elections where turnout collapsed in many urban centres, the story has been the same: Nigerians vote, but structures decide. This historical experience must shape how citizens approach 2027. Not with naïve optimism. Not with fatalistic withdrawal. But with organised, informed, and strategic engagement aimed at breaking these entrenched cycles.
The most important work of the 2027 elections is not for politicians. It is for citizens. Now is the time to define the national agenda so that jobs, security, education, healthcare, inflation, governance reform, institutional accountability, youth inclusion, restructuring of public finance, and the political economy of development dominate public discourse. Personalities must not replace problems.
It is time to occupy the civic space so that town halls, community dialogues, professional forums, religious platforms, campuses, labour spaces, and digital communities become arenas of political education rather than entertainment. It is time for citizens, especially young people and professionals, to engage political parties early, to join them, contest internal positions, monitor congresses, and disrupt the idea that parties are private estates.
It is time to build issue-based coalitions that cut across ethnicity, religion, and region, organised around concrete demands capable of shifting the balance of power away from isolated outrage toward coordinated influence. It is time to establish red lines: no more opaque primaries, no more monetised delegates, no more violent congresses, no more judicial substitution of candidates, and no more stolen mandates without sustained resistance.
Elections do not fail in Nigeria because Nigerians do not vote. They fail because Nigerians are structurally excluded from the processes that make voting meaningful. The year 2027 offers a choice beyond candidates. It offers a choice between continuing as spectators in elite transactions or emerging as organised stakeholders in national direction.
The question before the country is no longer simply, “Who will win?” It is, *“Who will decide?”*
If Nigerians set the stage, define the agenda, mobilise critical forces, and remain engaged from party formation to post-election accountability, then 2027 can mark the beginning of a new political culture: one where leaders emerge from society, not above it; where results reflect citizens, not arrangements; and where power answers, not commands.
Democracy does not arrive on election day. It is built, patiently and courageously, before it. God is with us!
About the Author
Prof. Chiwuike Uba, Ph.D. is an economist and governance expert with over 25 years of experience in public financial management, policy advisory, and development consulting. He has authored multiple publications on fiscal policy, governance, and the political economy of development. He can be reached at chiwuike@gmail.com.
Politics
Voters reward performance as APC sweeps Ekiti, dominates Bye-Elections nationwide — Yilwatda
The National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, has described the resounding victory of Governor Biodun Oyebanji in the Ekiti State Governorship Election and the party’s impressive performance in the recent bye-elections across the country as a clear vote of confidence in the APC, the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and the ongoing reforms being implemented to reposition Nigeria for sustainable growth and prosperity.
Prof. Yilwatda stated that the outcome of the elections demonstrates that Nigerians are able to distinguish between temporary economic challenges associated with reforms and the long-term benefits of responsible governance, economic restructuring, infrastructure development and institutional renewal being championed by the APC at both federal and state levels.
According to the National Chairman:
“The overwhelming victory recorded by our great party in Ekiti State and our remarkable success in the bye-elections across the country represent a powerful endorsement of the APC’s governance philosophy. These results affirm that Nigerians appreciate leadership that prioritises development, accountability, stability and the welfare of the people.”
“The people of Ekiti State have once again demonstrated that performance remains the most potent campaign message in democratic politics. Governor Biodun Oyebanji’s resounding re-election is a reward for visionary leadership, inclusive governance, prudent management of resources and visible developmental achievements across the state.”
Governor Oyebanji of the APC was declared winner of the Ekiti Governorship Election after securing a commanding victory across the state, reaffirming the confidence of the electorate in his administration and the APC’s developmental agenda. The party also recorded significant victories in five of the six bye-elections conducted across various states of the federation.
Prof. Yilwatda, in a statement signed by his Special Adviser on Media and Information Strategy, Abimbola Tooki, noted that the Ekiti result has further strengthened the APC’s narrative that performance-based governance remains electorally rewarding, even amid difficult economic transitions.
“The Ekiti election has become a national reference point. It confirms that when governments deliver tangible results in infrastructure, education, healthcare, agriculture, youth empowerment, security and social development, citizens respond with renewed trust and overwhelming electoral support.”
“This victory sends a clear message that governance, not propaganda, remains the most effective route to political legitimacy. The people of Ekiti have spoken loudly and clearly in support of continuity, stability and progress.”
The APC National Chairman described Ekiti State under Governor Oyebanji as one of the most compelling governance success stories in contemporary Nigeria, citing sustained investments in road infrastructure, rural development, human capital advancement, healthcare delivery, agricultural productivity, workers’ welfare and ease of doing business.
He said the administration has successfully built broad-based political consensus while maintaining a strong focus on development outcomes, thereby creating an environment of stability and accelerated progress.
“Ekiti today stands as a shining example of how APC governments are translating public trust into measurable development outcomes. The state’s progress under Governor Oyebanji provides a practical demonstration of our party’s commitment to people-centred governance.”
Prof. Yilwatda further stated that the election outcomes should be viewed within the broader national context of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reform agenda, which is gradually laying the foundation for a more resilient, productive and globally competitive Nigerian economy.
“Despite inheriting deep structural challenges, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has demonstrated courage and vision in implementing reforms that are necessary for Nigeria’s long-term prosperity. The confidence reposed in our party by voters across the country indicates growing public understanding and appreciation of these reforms and their future benefits.”
It
“These victories are therefore not only electoral successes; they are validations of a governing philosophy anchored on bold leadership, responsible decision-making and sustainable development.”
The National Chairman congratulated President Tinubu, Governor Biodun Oyebanji, APC leaders and members in Ekiti State and across the federation, as well as all candidates who emerged victorious in the bye-elections.
He also commended the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), security agencies and the people of Ekiti State for the peaceful conduct of the election.
Prof. Yilwatda assured Nigerians that the APC would remain focused on delivering good governance at all levels and deepening democratic dividends for citizens across the country.
“Our message to Nigerians is simple: we have heard your voices, we appreciate your confidence and we shall continue to justify the trust you have placed in our party through impactful governance, economic renewal and inclusive national development.”
“The APC remains committed to building a stronger, more prosperous and more united Nigeria. The victories recorded in Ekiti and the bye-elections reinforce our resolve to work even harder in service to the Nigerian people.”
The Independent National Electoral Commission has declared the All Progressives Congress candidate, Governor Biodun Oyebanji, the winner of the Ekiti State governorship election held on Saturday.
The governor was re-elected after polling 319,224 votes over his closest rivals in the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, Olumayokun Oluyede and African Democratic Congress, Dare Bejide, across the state’s 16 local governments.
The Returning Officer for the election, Prof Adenike Oladiji, who is the Vice Chancellor of Federal University of Technology, Akure, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday at the INEC’s headquarters on Iyin Road in Ado-Ekiti, the state capital.
Oladiji said, “Therefore, I, Adenike, am the returning officer for the 2026 Ekiti governorship election…Oyebanji Abiodun Abayomi, having satisfied the requirements of the law, is hereby declared the winner and stands re-elected.”
While the APC polled 319,224 votes, the PDP candidate polled 40, 533 votes, and the ADC candidate amassed 12,872 votes.
There are 988,251 registered voters, and 384,940 are accredited.
Out of the 382,109 votes cast, the total valid votes in the election were 375, 777.
According to INEC’s results, the PDP candidate, who hails from Efon-Alaaye in Efon LGA, lost in his local government area.
While the APC and its candidate, Oyebanji, scored 8,742 votes, the PDP, which came second in the LGA, garnered 2,051 votes.
Below are the full results of the governorship election as collated at the State Collation Centre from the 16 LGAs on Sunday.
Efon Local Govt
Collation officer: Prof. Joseph Ojo
ADC – 201
APC – 8742
PDP – 2051
Ijero LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Olaniran Akanni
ADC – 2026
APC – 25506
PDP – 2479
Ikere LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Kehinde Jayeoba
ADC – 245
APC – 11116
PDP – 9872
Emure LG
Collation Officer: Prof Emmanuel Oluwafemi
ADC -732
APC – 14325
PDP – 851
Ekiti South West
Collation Officer: Prof. Kola Oladunmoye
ADC – 1076
APC – 14705
PDP – 1800
Ido/Osi
Collation Officer: Prof. Otalobi Akintunde
ADC – 561
APC – 17901
PDP – 1449
Collation Officer: Prof Bolaji Stephen
ADC – 674
APC – 28258
PDP – 3644
Ado LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Toye Fasinmirin
ADC – 1054
APC – 38026
PDP – 3817
Ilejemeje LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Kehinde Mogaji
ADC – 579
APC – 8984
PDP – 1243
Ise/Orun LG
Collation Officer: Dr John Isa
ADC – 365
APC – 12907
PDP – 1627
Oye LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Jide Popoola
ADC – 998
APC – 18975
PDP – 2891
Moba LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Suleiman Adegboyega
ADC – 994
APC – 20500
PDP – 1572
Ayekire/Gbonyin LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Oso Bamidele
ADC – 314
APC – 17133
PDP – 1563
Ikole LG
Collation Officer: Prof. Sadiat Adifala
ADC – 812
APC – 26508
PDP – 750
Irepodun/Ifelodun LGA
Collation Officer: Prof. Michael Adeyemi
ADC – 511
APC – 29278
PDP – 2119
Ekiti East LGA
Collation Officer: Prof. Olabode Olatunbosun
ADC – 1730
APC – 26359
PDP – 2795
Politics
Stakeholders demand sanctions against A’Court’s Justice Lifu, as Mark warns FG on political manipulation
Following the Court of Appeal’s decision to reverse the deregistration of the African Democratic Congress and four other parties on Monday, ADC National Chairman Senator David Mark stated the judiciary is on trial and warned the Federal Government against political manipulation.
Stakeholders also called for sanctions against Justice Peter Lifu for flouting a superior court order, as the ADC assures supporters they will remain on the ballot.
Political parties and stakeholders affected by the Federal High Court’s controversial deregistration order welcomed the Court of Appeal’s decision to stay the execution of the judgment.
The Court of Appeal in Abuja had on Tuesday ordered a stay of execution of the judgment that directed the Independent National Electoral Commission to deregister the ADC, Action Peoples Party, Action Alliance, Accord Party and Zenith Labour Party, while delivering a stinging rebuke to Justice Lifu for flouting a May 22 appellate court order restraining him from delivering the ruling.
In a unanimous decision on Tuesday, a three-member panel led by Justice A. B. Mohammed condemned Justice Lifu of the Federal High Court in Abuja for flouting a May 22 order that directed him to suspend proceedings before him, describing his conduct as the gravest form of judicial misconduct.
“The decision of the lower court to proceed with the judgment despite the express order of this court is a brazen violation of the hierarchy of the court and the 1999 Constitution,” the panel held.
The appellate court went further, invoking a Supreme Court precedent to characterise Justice Lifu’s conduct in the harshest terms.
“The decision of the lower court to proceed with the judgment despite the express order of this court is the highest form of judicial impertinence,” the panel declared, adding that the Supreme Court had previously held that a judge who acted in such a manner “is unfit for the bench as it amounts to judicial rascality.”
The court said it had a duty to assert its supervisory authority over lower courts and protect the integrity of the judicial hierarchy.
“Courts are enjoined to protect their integrity. This court has supervisory authority over the trial court. This court has the duty to invoke its powers in ensuring that its orders are obeyed. The application for stay of execution is hereby granted. The enforcement of the judgment is stayed,” the panel ruled.
The Federal High Court in Abuja, presided over by Justice Lifu, had on Monday ordered INEC to deregister the ADC, Accord Party, Action Alliance, Action Peoples Party and Zenith Labour Party, ruling that the five parties failed to meet the constitutional performance thresholds under Section 225A of the 1999 Constitution, specifically, requirements related to securing at least 25 per cent of votes in certain states or winning seats in the 2023 general elections.
Earlier in Tuesday’s proceedings, INEC told the appellate court it was stunned by Justice Lifu’s decision to deliver the judgment, disclosing that the commission only learned of the ruling through media reports rather than any official notification.
INEC’s lead counsel, Mr Haliru Mohammed, told the panel that the commission had been aware of the appellate court’s May 22 order restraining the lower court from delivering the judgment, which had originally been reserved for June 5.
“We were not aware of any notice from the court regarding the delivery of the judgment. We only saw it as breaking news in the media. We therefore do not oppose the application of the appellant to stay the execution of the judgment,” Mohammed submitted.
The commission also aligned itself with the notice of appeal filed by the affected political parties.
Counsel to the ADC, Mr Shuaibu Aruwa, SAN, told the court that Justice Lifu communicated the judgment’s delivery to the party via WhatsApp, a disclosure that drew visible reactions from the bench.
Aruwa described the lower court’s conduct as an invitation to anarchy and urged the appellate court to invoke its disciplinary jurisdiction under Section 6 of the 1999 Constitution to sanction the judge.
“The action of the trial judge calls for swift and extraordinary measures from this court. We have come to the stage where this court should press the reset button.
“We urge this court to take disciplinary steps by immediately suspending that judgment. This court has the power to protect its own integrity. We pray this court suspends the judgment immediately without further delay,” he added.
APC reacts
Reacting to the appellate court’s decision, the ADC’s National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, said the ruling offered a measure of hope for the judiciary’s credibility, though he was careful not to celebrate unreservedly.
“It indicates that the judiciary may still redeem itself. We are cautiously delighted but we insist that it shouldn’t have happened in the first place,” Abdullahi said in a telephone interview.
He called on the National Judicial Council to take urgent steps to rid the bench of judges whose conduct brought the institution into disrepute.
“We, therefore, hope that the judicial council will take urgent steps to purge the bench of judges who bring the judicial institution to disrepute,” he said.
The National Leader of the Action Peoples Party, Ikenga Ugochinyere, was more emphatic in his welcome of the ruling, describing it as a vindication of the party’s position from the outset and calling on the NJC to weed out what he termed controversial judges.
“There was no need to panic in the first place, and, so, this ruling is a vindication of our position from the get-go,” Ugochinyere said.
“We call on the NJC to weed out controversial justices who say one thing in the morning and another in the evening. These are the bad eggs giving the judiciary a bad name,” he added.
Ugochinyere raised broader concerns about public confidence in the justice system, warning that judicial inconsistency was eroding citizens’ respect for court pronouncements.
“Court pronouncements are supposed to be respected by citizens, particularly because they come from institutions established by law. But when people begin to hide behind technicalities, it raises concerns about the integrity of those institutions.
“How do we expect citizens to obey court judgments when many people no longer see justice as blind, but rather as something influenced by individuals and personal interests? That is the challenge before us,” the APP leader added.
He also noted that the controversy surrounding Justice Lifu’s ruling had sparked frustration across the country, with some of the anger directed at the presidency.
“This situation has generated a lot of reactions across the country. Many people are directing their frustrations at the President. Perhaps there is a need for greater clarity so that Nigerians understand exactly what is happening,” Ugochinyere said.
He nevertheless described Tuesday’s outcome as a victory for democracy and the rule of law.
“What happened today (Tuesday) is a victory, not just for democracy, but for the rule of law. We are happy because the courts have once again demonstrated their relevance in our democratic process,” he said.
Other parties speak
The Acting National Chairman of the Coalition of United Political Parties, Peter Ameh, took a philosophical approach in welcoming the ruling, invoking the words of the philosopher Edmund Burke to frame the significance of the appellate court’s intervention.
“The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing,” Ameh said.
He warned that what he described as hostile executive rascality and brazen judicial overreach must not be allowed to stand.
Also, the ADC presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar said in a statement posted on his X handle that the ruling was a positive development, noting with particular significance that INEC itself had initiated the application for the stay .
“I welcome the Court of Appeal’s decision to stay the execution of the Federal High Court judgment seeking the deregistration of our great party, the ADC, and four other political parties. It is particularly significant that INEC itself initiated the application for the stay,” he wrote.
Atiku, Mark protest
The former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar also criticised what he described as judicial contradictions in the ongoing legal dispute, warning that such developments had placed the judiciary under intense public scrutiny.
“The disturbing spectacle of judicial contradictions and politically charged rulings playing out in our courts has placed the judiciary under intense public scrutiny. As ADC National Chairman, Sen. David Mark, rightly observed, the judiciary itself is now on trial,” Atiku said.
He warned against any attempt to weaponise the courts against Nigeria’s democratic institutions.
“Any attempt to undermine Nigeria’s hard-won democracy through judicial manipulation is a grave danger to the Republic. If our democracy suffers further injury, history will demand accountability from those entrusted with dispensing justice,” he said.
Following the judgment given by Justice Lifu, the National Judicial Council has been urged to investigate Justice Peter Lifu over his decision to deliver judgment in a case that was already before the Court of Appeal.
The civil society organisation, Tap Initiative for FOR Citizens’ Development, on Tuesday in a statement called on the leadership of the judiciary to immediately investigate Justice Lifu over the judgment.
The call follows concerns over the alleged disregard for the hierarchy of courts and implications such actions could have on the judiciary and Nigeria’s democracy as the country moves closer to the 2027 general elections.
Justice Lifu had on Monday ordered the Independent National Electoral Commission to deregister five political parties over their alleged breach of Section 225(A) of the Constitution.
However, the judgment was reportedly delivered despite an order staying proceedings issued by the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal on May 22.
The decision has since attracted criticism from several quarters, with critics accusing the judge of undermining democratic principles.
In a statement signed by its Executive Director, Mbasekei Martin Obono, the group urged the NJC to, among other things, “Determine whether the decision was delivered in disregard of pending appellate proceedings and a subsisting order of stay;
“Examine possible breaches of the judicial code of conduct; Take appropriate disciplinary action if misconduct is established; and
Reaffirm the authority of appellate courts and the supremacy of due process within the judiciary”.
The group recalled that the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, had consistently emphasised the need for accountability, discipline and ethical conduct within the judiciary.
It disclosed that it had formally petitioned the CJN, in her capacity as Chairman of the NJC, seeking an investigation and possible disciplinary action against Justice Lifu.
According to the group, the petition presents an opportunity to reinforce the principles of accountability and demonstrate that judicial independence is not incompatible with responsibility.
“Tap Initiative expresses grave concern that at the time the said judgement was delivered, there were subsisting appellate proceedings before the Court of Appeal in respect of the same subject matter in Appeal No. CA/ABJ/CV/569/2026. Furthermore, the Court of Appeal had issued an Enrolment Order expressly granting a stay of proceedings in Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/2637/2025, being the very proceedings in which the Federal High Court subsequently proceeded to deliver judgment.
“This development raises profound constitutional and procedural concerns, as it appears that a valid order of stay and active appellate proceedings were in force at the material time. If established, this situation would constitute a serious affront to the doctrine of judicial hierarchy and the supervisory jurisdiction of the Court of Appeal within Nigeria’s constitutional order.
“Tap Initiative emphasizes that the integrity of Nigeria’s justice system depends fundamentally on strict adherence to judicial hierarchy, procedural discipline, and respect for appellate authority. Any deviation from these principles risks creating conflicting judicial outcomes, eroding legal certainty, and undermining public confidence in the courts”, he said.
The group stressed that the judiciary remains the last hope of the common citizen, arguing that its legitimacy is sustained not only by constitutional authority but also by unwavering public confidence in its fairness, discipline and respect for the rule of law.
It therefore called on the NJC to treat the matter with the urgency and seriousness it deserves in the interest of justice, democracy and national stability.
Meanwhile, the National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress, Senator David Mark, on Tuesday declared that the Nigerian judiciary, rather than the opposition party, is the institution facing scrutiny over the controversy surrounding the deregistration of the ADC and four other political parties.
Speaking at the ADC Strategic Communications Retreat in Abuja, the former Senate President accused the judiciary of actions capable of undermining public confidence in the nation’s democratic process, while questioning the conduct of Justice Peter Lifu in matters relating to the party.
According to Mark, the outcome of the controversy will test the credibility of the judiciary and the ability of the National Judicial Council to address concerns arising from the case.
“The ADC is not on trial. Rather, it is the judiciary that is on trial and the nation is waiting to see how the National Judicial Council is going to handle this precarious situation,” he said.
The ADC chairman expressed concern over what he described as unprecedented judicial actions, alleging that Justice Lifu ignored an order of the Court of Appeal directing a stay of proceedings in the matter.
He said it was difficult to comprehend how a judge could be involved in actions that appeared to contradict existing court directives.
Mark further alleged that the judge issued conflicting decisions regarding the status of the party within a short period.
“It is strange that a judge can order the Independent National Electoral Commission to pronounce a party dead and in less than 24 hours put the same party on trial,” he said.
The remarks come amid growing political tension over recent legal challenges affecting opposition parties ahead of preparations for the next electoral cycle.
Despite the legal setback, Mark urged party members not to lose confidence in the ADC, insisting that the party would emerge stronger from the dispute.
“Like I have said previously, our members should not worry about the shenanigans of the ruling party. We will go through all these turbulence because we are up to the task. By the time we are through all these, ADC will come out stronger,” he stated.
The former Senate President also accused the ruling All Progressives Congress APC of attempting to weaken opposition forces through distractions, claiming that the governing party was struggling to defend its record in office.
He alleged that the President Bola Tinubu-led government is diverting attention from its challenges by targeting opposition platforms.
Addressing party communicators at the retreat, Mark charged them to craft messages capable of expanding the ADC’s appeal across political divides, including among members of the ruling party.
He challenged the communications team to develop persuasive narratives that would attract more Nigerians to the ADC project. (PUNCH)
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