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American fact-finding mission confirms Christian genocide in Nigeria

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Delegation leader, US Ambassador Lewis Lucke retired
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Formal Statement on Widespread Violence and Displacement in Nigeria

October 14, 2025

By Mayor Mike Arnold, MBA

Founder, Africa Arise International / Africa Arise USA

Presented at Abuja Hilton, 4 p.m. WAT on Tuesday, October 14, 2025

Contributors:

  1. US Amb. Lewis Lucke (retired)
  2. Pastor Jed D’Grace
  3. Mr. Judd Saul

I. Purpose and Credentials

My name is Mike Arnold. I recently served as the elected Mayor of the City of Blanco, Texas. I first visited Nigeria in 2010 as a board member of Unity for Africa. Since then, I have made 15 trips to Nigeria, including six extended investigative missions since 2019. I founded Africa Arise International and Africa Arise USA in 2019. I have frequently been quoted in top newspapers and TV news broadcasts here. I have never extracted anything from Nigeria beyond modest gifts. My closest and most trusted friends are native Nigerians. I come only to give, serve, and stand with the people and nation I dearly love as my second home.

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I was personally invited here today by National Security Advisor Nuhu Ribadu and influencer Reno Omokri. The sole stated (written) charge given to me for this trip is simply to meet certain key people, and then declare the truth. I know what’s at stake and take this very seriously. While my plane ticket and accommodations have been paid for, I have not asked for, been offered, nor received any compensation or promise of compensation for this. Neither am I connected in any way or compensated by the US Government. I am here independently and this statement is made without coercion or inducement of any kind.

I also note that numerous top US officials have been briefed and are personally aware of my being here, the purpose of my trip, my specific itinerary, and expected return date. At their request, I am providing updates as to my status. These include but are not limited to my Senator from Texas, Ted Cruz, and Congressman Chip Roy, the White House, US State Department and Acting Ambassador, as well as a Pulitzer Prize winning journalist from the New York Times, and their International Editor.

Also note that as I present this statement, it is being simultaneously distributed not only to these people, who are awaiting it, and also posted online for all to access.

This statement is my formal account and analysis of facts, findings, and firsthand documentation of claims of widespread violence, displacement, and atrocity crimes in Nigeria, primarily directed against Christian populations in the North and Middle Belt, and whether this rises to the level of genocide. It is addressed to journalists, international observers, human rights bodies, and policymakers in the United States and abroad.

We have traveled to cities, villages, and remote encampments: from Bokkos, Jos, and Gwoza to Abuja, Lagos, Port Harcourt, Bukuma and Makoko. I have interviewed governors, cabinet ministers, traditional rulers, two former Presidents, and others. I have met orphans whose parents were hacked to death. I have built schools in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps and documented over 80 hours of filmed testimony and evidence, at great personal risk, soon to be released in our documentary film Me & Ms. Hanatu. My findings carry the weight of direct experience.[1]

II. Nigeria in 2010: A Nation at Peace

In 2010, Nigeria was a beacon of rising prosperity and religious tolerance, often cited as the only country where radical Islam was being pushed back. Attacks were rare and sparked national outrage. Recognized IDPs were effectively zero, with only minimal displacement from localized communal conflicts—a stark contrast to the crisis that followed, marked by a 1,200% surge in IDPs by 2011 due to Boko Haram’s escalation.[2] This prior absence of a displacement crisis is both verifiable and damning.

III. What Changed? A Deliberate Crisis

By 2014, Nigeria’s stability was shattered. Foreign meddling, including U.S. involvement, played a pivotal role in the 2015 election, enabling regime change that emboldened actors who ignored or enabled extremist violence.[3][4] High-placed eyewitness testimony confirms this interference, with firms like Cambridge Analytica further skewing the political landscape.[5]

Radical jihadist elements, fueled by foreign fighters from Libya and the Sahel post-2011 Arab Spring—not invaders, but invited—flooded into Nigeria, amplifying Boko Haram and ISWAP.[6][7] Today, over four million Nigerians are displaced—a very conservative estimate based in part on my work in hidden camps denied by officials who label victims “criminals” or “vagrants,” rendering UN and government figures entirely unreliable.[8] The vast majority are Christians, driven from their homes by deliberate political engineering and radical conquest, while mostly Muslim IDP encampments do exist.

IV. Our Team’s Field Work

Since 2019, our team has conducted relentless frontline research:

  1. Interviewed survivors across multiple states.
  2. Operate schools in two IDP camps for both Christians and Muslims, with a third under construction, with a present total of 550+ students. We provide free, high quality education.
  3. Filmed camps the UN and Nigerian government deny exist.
  4. Recorded numerous IDP testimonials via https://www.youtube.com/@My.Voice.Matters
  5. In late 2024, my team visited and filmed in Ngoshe, Gwoza LGA, Borno State—a once-thriving Christian farming community now a post-apocalyptic wasteland. Recent 2025 attacks confirm ongoing devastation, with surviving Christians confined to militarized zones where leaving risks abduction or execution.[9][10] Our firsthand proof exposes a reality ignored by officials. Many people of Gwoza have been refugees in Cameroon for over a decade, abandoned by Nigeria while those who returned languish in the FCT, their homelands occupied by Boko Haram as the seat of its caliphate for years now.

V. Consistent Pattern of Targeted Destruction

Across regions and years, we’ve documented a chilling pattern:

  1. Churches destroyed.
  2. Mosques left untouched.
  3. Christian homes torched.
  4. Jihadists resettled on captured land.
  5. Authorities deny or excuse the attacks.

While some Muslims resisting extremism are targeted, the overwhelming evidence—thousands of churches razed, obviously selective violence—leads some to claim this is a faith-based genocide against Christians and those rejecting radical Islam.[11][12]

VI. What Drives the Violence?

This is not chaos but a calculated campaign driven by three forces:

  1. Radical Islamic Conquest: Armed groups, bolstered by foreign fighters from Libya/Sahel post-Arab Spring, seek to impose extremist ideology with local enablers and political protection, described by eyewitnesses as “jihad by occupation.”[6][7]
  2. Blood Mineral Extraction: Nigeria loses $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin, and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. Heavy machinery and foreign buyers appear days after displacements, exploiting lands of the displaced.[13][14]
  3. Political Realignment: War masquerades as politics—local government areas overrun, electoral districts redrawn by force, militants resettled to skew demographics, dismantling communities deemed inconvenient.

VII. The Euphemism of “Farmer-Herder Clashes”

The term “farmer-herder clashes” is cynical doublespeak, weaponizing historical land disputes to mask jihadist conquest. For centuries, herders and farmers coexisted with rare, non-lethal disputes. Now, villages are erased, churches leveled, and tens of thousands are dead. This is systematic terror, not grazing conflicts—a lie akin to calling Bosnia’s ethnic cleansing a “neighborhood spat.”[8][15] These targeted, deadly attacks are the same whether labeled “herders,” “bandits” or “insurgents.” The puppets may change but the same forces pull the strings. A jihadi by any other name is just as deadly. Mincing words over labels appears to be intentional obfuscation.

While global attention often focuses on Boko Haram and ISWAP, the majority of killings and displacements across Nigeria’s Middle Belt are in fact carried out by the Radical Islamist Fulani Ethnic Militia. Numerous field reports, satellite imagery, and survivor testimonies confirm that these Fulani militant groups—often operating under political protection and mislabeled as “herders”— are responsible for the most widespread, systematic, and sustained attacks on Christian farming communities. Their campaigns extend well beyond traditional grazing disputes, encompassing organized massacres, forced displacement, and the strategic occupation of conquered lands. Today, these Fulani militias represent the single most lethal terrorist threat to Nigeria’s internal stability—surpassing Boko Haram and ISWAP combined in reach, frequency, and civilian death toll.

VIII. The Crime of Obfuscation

I have personally seen ongoing efforts by officials and their loyal media to bury the truth:

  1. Sanitizing massacres as “conflict.”
  2. Labeling displaced survivors “vagrants” and “criminals.”
  3. Refusing to name perpetrators.

This is not confusion—it is complicity. To play semantic games while people die is beyond obscene. There can be no solution while leaders play word games to hide the truth.

IX. Legal Definition of Genocide

Per Article II of the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948), genocide includes acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group:

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm;

(c) Inflicting conditions to bring about physical destruction;

(d) Preventing births within the group;

(e) Forcibly transferring children to another group.

The evidence is undeniable: targeted killings, mass displacement, destruction of homes and churches, denial of aid, and erasure of Christian identity.

X. Conclusion: My Formal Finding

As an objective expert and eyewitness, a longtime lover of and traveler throughout Nigeria with access at the highest levels, based on more than five years of investigation, field interviews, firsthand documentation, and deep consultation with top scholars, statesmen and legal experts, I declare this without any shadow of a doubt:

The campaign of violence and displacement in Northern and Middle Belt Nigeria does indeed constitute a calculated, currentand long-running GENOCIDE against Christian communities and other religious minorities, without any reasonable doubt.[1][11][12]

To continue to deny this is to be complicit in these atrocities.

I say this not in anger, but in truth and grief. My stated assignment from my host was to speak the truth and I have done that to the best of my ability.

I believe Nigeria has a bright future. I believe in Christian-Muslim harmony. I believe good people of every tribe and faith must stand against this evil. But first, we must name it.

Here I stand. I can do no other. So help me God.

(REFERENCES BELOW)

References

[1] Open Doors, World Watch List 2025,https://www.opendoors.org/en-US/persecution/countries/nigeria/

[2] Frontiers in Human Dynamics, “Conflict-Induced Trends in Nigeria,” 2022,https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/human-dynamics/articles/10.3389/fhumd.2022.1009651/full

[3] Premium Times, “How U.S. Firm Helped Buhari Win 2015 Election,” 2015,https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/180123-how-u-s-firm-helped-buhari-win-2015-election.html

[4] BuzzFeed News, “Democratic Operatives in Nigeria Election,” 2015,https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/davidsirota/democratic-strategists-who-helped-obama-are-now-working-to-el

[5] The Guardian, “Cambridge Analytica’s Role in Nigeria’s 2015 Elections,” 2018,https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/mar/17/cambridge-analytica-nigeria-election-data

[6] Council on Foreign Relations, “Boko Haram and the Sahel Connection,” 2023,https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/boko-haram

[7] JSTOR, “Islamic State and Sahel Spillover into Nigeria,” 2022,https://www.jstor.org/stable/26976645

[8] International Crisis Group, “Herders vs. Farmers: Resolving Deadly Conflict in Nigeria,” 2023,https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/302-herders-against-farmers-nigerias-expanding-deadly-conflict

[9] Premium Times, “Boko Haram Attacks Ngoshe, Gwoza in 2025,” 2025,https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/614523-boko-haram-attacks-gwoza-kills-five.html

[10] UNOCHA, “Borno State Humanitarian Situation Report,” 2025,https://www.unocha.org/publications/report/nigeria/north-east-nigeria-humanitarian-situation-update-january-2025

[11] U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, 2024 Annual Report: Nigeria,https://www.uscirf.gov/countries/nigeria

[12] APPG FoRB, “Nigeria: Unfolding Genocide?” 2020,https://appgfreedomofreligionorbelief.org/nigeria-unfolding-genocide/

[13] NEITI, “2023 Report on Illicit Mining in Nigeria,”https://neiti.gov.ng/reports/mining-sector

[14] Global Witness, “Blood Minerals in Nigeria’s Conflict Zones,” 2024,https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/natural-resource-governance/nigeria-mining-conflict/

[15] Genocide Watch, “Nigeria: Media Misrepresentation of Violence,” 2023,https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/nigeria-farmer-herder-narrative

Health

NAFDAC urges Stakeholders to lead vigilance on Antimicrobial Resistance, Adverse Drug Reactions

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The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) has called on stakeholders and Nigerians to lead vigilance against Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) to medicines/drugs and Adverse Drug Reactions (ADR).

The Director-General of NAFDAC, Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, made the call on during a one-day Pharmacovigilance Workshop and Stakeholders Town Hall Meeting in Enugu.

Represented by NAFDAC’s Director, South-East Zone, Dr Festus Ukadike, the director-general noted that the gravest consequences of irrational medicine use today is AMR.

She explained that the misuse and overuse of antibiotics had accelerated the emergence of resistant microorganisms that no longer respond to conventional treatment.

“This means that infections previously treatable with common antibiotics are becoming increasingly difficult and expensive to manage.

“If urgent action is not taken, antimicrobial resistance may reverse decades of medical progress and place humanity at serious risk.

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“This is why Pharmacovigilance is extremely important. Pharmacovigilance refers to the science and activities relating to the detection, assessment, understanding, and prevention of adverse effects or any other medicine-related problems.

“In simple terms, Pharmacovigilance helps us ensure that medicines remain safe and effective even after they have been approved and released into the market,” she said.

Adeyeye noted that no medicine is completely free from side effects.

“However, through effective Pharmacovigilance systems, healthcare professionals and patients can identify harmful reactions early, report them appropriately, and help regulatory authorities take necessary actions to protect the public,” she said.

She said that Pharmacovigilance remained a core mandate of the agency, adding that stakeholders and general public should play active part in monitoring AMR and ADR to ensure effectiveness of medicine and treatment.

Speaking, the Chairman, Enugu State Traditional Rulers’ Council, Igwe Samuel Asadu, commended NAFDAC for the workshop, while urging the agency to put more effort in curbing sales of fake medicines in the hinterlands.

Asadu said that Pharmacovigilance was needed more in the hinterlands of the state to stop people paddling fake medicines and “selling outright chalk as medicine in villages in the state”.

He gave the commitment of royal fathers in the state in providing necessary support to NAFDAC to check paddlers of fake medicines, “as we see our people die due to their activities.”

Corroborating, the State Coordinator of World Health Organization (WHO), Dr Adaeze Ugwu, said that the organisation would continue to support NAFDAC in the agency’s resolve to strengthen food and healthcare in the country.

Also, Dr Oliver Ezemba, Chairman, Nigerian Association of Patent and Proprietory Medicine Dealers (NAPPMED), urged everybody to get concerned on the issues of AMR and ADR to guarantee quality medicines for everyone.

Ezemba called on Nigerians to imbibe the habit of reporting any irregularities observed while using a medicine to NAFDAC for proper investigation, which would serve the benefit of many Nigerians using same medicine.

The participants asked questions on AMR and ADR as well as made pledge on reporting any suspectable AMR or ADR case through the NAFDAC’s Med Safety Mobile App using their cellphone or computer set.

In the workshop, a presentation was made on “Need for Effective Pharmacovigilance by All’, delivered by Mr Chidi Uche and Mrs Ogechi Udeh, who are NAFDAC officials.

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Coup trial: Accused colonel rejects military court

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Col Mohammed Ma’aji
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The second accused person in the charges brought against 36 persons accused of alleged mutiny and plot to overthrow the government of President Bola Tinubu, Col Mohammed Ma’aji, has challenged the jurisdiction of the Defence Headquarters Garrison General Court Martial sitting in Asokoro, Abuja, to hear the case.

Ma’aji, in a preliminary objection filed before the court martial in charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM, between the Armed Forces of Nigeria and Brig Gen M.A. Sadiq, Col Ma’aji, alongside 35 others, urged the court martial to strike out the charges instituted against him, arguing that the military tribunal lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the case.

Ma’aji, in the objection, contended that the charges were fundamentally defective and incompetent in law.

The objection, brought pursuant to Rules 36(1) and 37(1) of the Rules of Procedure Army 1972, urged the tribunal to make an order striking out and/or dismissing the charges against the 2nd Accused.

“Take notice that the 2nd accused hereby objects to the jurisdiction of the General Court Martial to entertain Counts One to Nine of the charges preferred against the 2nd Accused in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM, namely ARMED FORCES OF NIGERIA V. BRIG. GEN. M. A. SADIQ (N/10321) & 35 ORS and hereby prays the General Court Martial for the following reliefs:

“An Order striking out and/or dismissing the charges against the 2nd Accused in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM for lack of jurisdiction. An order declining jurisdiction to entertain the charge as constituted.

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“And for such further order(s) as the Honourable General Court Martial may deem fit to make in the circumstances.”

The second accused in the charge also argued that the complainant, listed as the Armed Forces of Nigeria, lacked the legal capacity to institute criminal proceedings.

According to Ma’aji, “The complainant (Armed Force of Nigeria) is not a juristic person and thereby lacks the requisite competence to initiate and prosecute the criminal proceedings in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM.”

Ma’aji further maintained that because the complainant allegedly lacked legal personality, the General Court Martial was equally deprived of jurisdiction to hear the matter.

Citing several Supreme Court and Court of Appeal authorities, including Green v. Green, Fawehinmi v NBA, and Mothercat Nig Ltd v Reg. Trustees of the Full Gospel Assembly Nig, the defence argued that only natural persons or entities expressly recognised by law could sue or be sued.

The written address submitted in support of the objection stated, “The name ‘Armed Forces of Nigeria’ described as ‘complainant’ in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM is unknown to law and destitute of any legal capacity to exercise Prosecutorial powers in respect of the charges preferred against the 2nd Accused.”

The second accused also challenged the competence of counts one to nine of the charge, which allegedly accused him of inciting other officers to join a plot to overthrow President Tinubu.

Ma’aji insisted that the allegations contained in the particulars of the charges did not fall within the offence of mutiny as contemplated under Section 52(1)(b) of the Armed Forces Act, 2004.

He argued that the particulars of the charge “disclose offences against the Sovereign State otherwise known as the Federal Republic of Nigeria and constitutional order rather than offences relating to military or service discipline or command structure.”

He maintained that the phrase “plot to overthrow the government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria” contained in the charge could not be equated with “lawful authority in the Federation” as envisaged under Section 52(3) of the Armed Forces Act.

“It is submitted that the Federal Republic of Nigeria does not fall within the phrase ‘a lawful authority in the Federation’ as used in Section 52(3) of the Armed Forces Act, Laws of Federation, 2004,” Ma’aji contended.

Relying on constitutional provisions and judicial precedents, he argued that the court-martial, being a tribunal of limited jurisdiction, could not extend its powers beyond what was expressly granted by statute.
Ma’aji also cited the Supreme Court’s warning against judicial expansion of statutory provisions, insisting that any ambiguity in penal legislation must be resolved in favour of the accused persons.

Quoting the Supreme Court decision in Nigerian Navy v. Lambert, the second accused submitted: “It is settled law that penal statutes are to be construed strictly to the benefit of the accused person and that where there is a reasonable construction that avoids the penalty in any particular case, the court must adopt that construction.”

The preliminary objection further contended that for a charge of mutiny or incitement to mutiny to stand, there must be allegations of concerted insubordination, defiance of military authority or refusal of lawful command or organised military rebellion against superior military command.

According to the defence, the particulars supplied by the prosecution failed to disclose those essential ingredients.

On this ground, he urged the General Court Martial to uphold his preliminary objection and dismiss the charges against him for want of jurisdiction.

Meanwhile, a witness in the ongoing trial of six alleged coup plotters before the Federal High Court in Abuja, on Wednesday, told investigators that Ma’aji allegedly threatened to force his way into the Presidential Villa, even if insiders refused to cooperate.

The fourth defendant, Zekeri Umoru, made the allegation in a video previewed in court during proceedings in the trial-within-trial over the admissibility of the defendants’ extrajudicial statements.

Umoru and five others in April were arraigned before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik on 13 counts of criminal charges over alleged complicity in an alleged coup plot to overthrow Tinubu’s government.

The six defendants: Maj Gen Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (retd), Capt Erasmus Victor (retd), Insp Ahmed Ibrahim, Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni and Abdulkadir Sani, however, pleaded not guilty to all the counts after the charge was read to them.

At the resumed sitting, Umoru, who worked with Julius Berger on the Presidential Villa clinic project, alleged that Ma’aji, through the third defendant, Insp Ibrahim, asked him to recruit between 18 and 19 persons working inside the Villa, including soldiers, Department of State Service personnel and Julius Berger staff.

According to the video evidence played in court, Umoru alleged that plans were discussed to switch off electricity within the Presidential Villa to aid the operation, but he warned that such an action would immediately trigger investigations and lead to the detention of workers on duty.

He further claimed that Insp Ibrahim later demanded N100m from Ma’aji to facilitate access into the Villa through an ambulance route, but Ma’aji allegedly rejected the amount as excessive, insisting he could still gain entry by force, although “there would be bloodshed.”

The witness also told investigators that he became uncomfortable with the alleged plan and repeatedly attempted to return the money given to him, insisting that the Presidential Villa “was not child’s play.”

He denied having access to the Villa’s solar power plant, despite allegations that he intended to sabotage the electricity supply within the complex.

The court further heard that Umoru did not immediately report the alleged plot to authorities because Insp Ibrahim allegedly advised him to delete messages and avoid contacting Ma’aji due to an ongoing audit in their office.

Following the screening of the video evidence, Justice Abdulmalik adjourned the matter until May 21 for continuation of the trial-within-trial.

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Terrorists have infiltrated no less than 40 South-West LGs — Gani Adams

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Gani Adams
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Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, Gani Adams, has raised fresh concerns over insecurity in the South-West, claiming that terrorists have infiltrated at least 40 local government areas across the region.

While speaking in a recent interview with The Punch, Adams said the threat in the South-West has become more serious than many people realise.

“We have 137 local government areas in the South-West, and we spotted not remnants of terrorists, but a lot of terrorists in no fewer than 40 local governments. We have many terrorists that have infiltrated those local government areas,” he said.

Adams revealed that his group had documented the development but chose not to make the information public immediately because they hoped to work directly with state governments to tackle the problem.

“We kept that document to ourselves because we were more confident that working with state governments, which are the institutions governing the states, would yield results compared to working with law enforcement agents,” he stated.

The Yoruba leader, however, expressed disappointment over what he described as the refusal of governors in the region to engage with his organisation despite repeated warnings over the past two years.

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“As a result, we called for collaboration with state governments for the past two years. This is a government that knows your antecedents, knows that you have a structure across Yorubaland, even beyond Yorubaland and in some northern states, yet refuses to talk to you, refuses to agree with you, or even assist you, despite being in power and benefitting from security votes,” Adams said.

“Yet they didn’t call to discuss with you. So, you have to bear in mind that the only assistance you can give to Yoruba people is to talk to the media and give little information that some states have been infiltrated and that there would be attacks in those states, because you are not helping matters by divulging the entire information,” he added.

Reacting to the recent abduction of pupils, teachers and residents in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, Adams said local hunters and vigilante groups may not possess sophisticated weapons but still have a critical role to play in combating insecurity.

According to him, all factions of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) and other local security groups in the South-West are ready to collaborate against criminal elements.

“All hands must be on deck to confront these criminals. You can have less potential and still know the criminals in your area. Security is not always about carrying sophisticated arms,” he said.

“You need intelligent people. You need people who can infiltrate enemy territories. You need multilingual people who can speak different languages and use that advantage to gather intelligence.

“You also need people with spiritual potential. You even need clerics who will pray for the success of your mission. So, the issue of security has different sectors. By combining those sectors, you can achieve victory against criminals,” Adams added.

His comments come days after gunmen attacked schools and surrounding communities in the Ogbomoso axis of Oyo State, abducting several pupils, students and teachers from Baptist Nursery and Primary School in Yawota, Community Grammar School and L.A Primary School in Esin Ele.

Ondo State and several other communities in the South-West have also witnessed repeated attacks by suspected kidnappers and armed groups in recent months.

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