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Why 5 military coups took place in Nigeria — IBB

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Ex-Military leader Babangida
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• Justifies military incursions into governance

Former Military President, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, IBB (retd), has justified military incursions into governance in Nigeria.

IBB, who explained why the country had five coups between 1966 and 1985, added that military governments had more development projects than civilian governments.

In extracts from Part Three, Chapter Five, pages 104 to 115 of his controversial Autobiography: ‘A Journey in Service’, launched last Thursday, he highlighted the motivations behind military interventions, the historical context of coups in Nigeria and Africa, the structural reforms initiated by military leaders, and the on-going challenge of ensuring responsible governance.

He wrote:

When I started working on this autobiography a few years ago, I knew that, as someone who had participated in military coups, I would, at some point, need to reiterate my position on the problematic issue of military interventions in politics.

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Anyone, who reads descriptions of me, particularly in foreign publications, as a ‘serial coup plotter’, or as ‘the moving spirit behind most military plots in Nigeria’, would think that my 35-year military career was devoted entirely to coup plotting!

One foreign journalist, Karl Maier, whom I readily obliged with an interview, ‘returned’ the favour in his book: ‘This House Has Fallen’, by claiming that ‘coups seem to run in my blood’!

He was not the only one with that mindset. In its reporting of the coup that brought me to office as head of the government, one international news magazine headlined its story: ‘The Triumph of the Trouble-maker’! I will not bother responding to the discriminatory implications that I did no more than plot coups as a soldier.

This volume bears testimony to the modest contributions of a soldier who stood up to play the role assigned to him by destiny at a notably peculiar moment in his country’s history. And as I will show in subsequent chapters of this book, it’s a role (my mistakes and shortcomings, notwithstanding) that I look back upon with pride.

Resurging coups in Africa
When I started writing this book, I had also hoped that I could say that coup d’etats in Africa are now a thing of the past. But, thirty years after I left office, sadly, seven African countries, from across the Sahel to Sudan, are under military rule.

First, let me restate my position on the matter. Military coup d’etats, that is, overthrowing an incumbent government, whether as redemptive or corrective measures, are an aberration and should never be encouraged. Indeed, coups in the context of a democracy such as ours are not just unacceptable; they are illegal.

Appropriate sections of the Nigerian constitution insist that ‘Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any persons or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution’. So, the question should be this: if these are the provisions of our constitution, how did we end up with five military coups since 1960, the last of them being the 1993 Abacha coup?

Why we had coups in Nigeria
To put these in perspective, we would have to go back to our history as a nation and the challenges that have defined and shaped our collective existence.

But first, the larger picture. Military takeovers are not peculiar to Africa or isolated to Nigeria. The history of post-colonial Africa shows that where civilian leadership and the political class have failed to live up to their billings and progressively build upon the legacy of the colonialists, the military attempted to step in. In some cases, these interventions have been nothing short of revolutionary…

The point to note here, of course, was that the sordid failure of a particular ruling class created the need for an inevitable change. A pattern where the political class virtually abdicates its responsibility to the governed typically created the conditions that led to several military interventions in post-colonial Africa. Also, certain coups, given the peculiar political and socio-economic circumstances, are genuinely revolutionary, especially where the masses support the coup and where the coup-makers, beyond their own rhetoric, embody the people’s hopes and aspirations.

But the risks were always there because, to go back to Colonel Ibrahim Taiwo, whom I referred to earlier, a ‘good’ coup is only a successful coup, and a failed coup is a mutiny and high treason! Again, before I am misunderstood, let me reiterate my position: I do not suggest that military interventions, which can be undue interferences in the politics of a country, are replacements for incumbent governments. Nor do I imply that the military is the guarantor of good behaviour; far from it. All that I suggest is that coups don’t just happen.

They are sometimes inspired by extraneous conditions that demand interventions. Generally, the abject failure of civilian governments is the cause of coups. Therefore, a fairer assessment of why the armed forces seized power was not to be found in their success or failure to deliver once they took over but in the various factors and events preceding the intervention. Our example at home in Nigeria bears me out.

Without necessarily justifying the actions of the young majors of the 1966 coup, it’s possible to argue that the conditions that the young majors were compelled to face, even without sometimes asking for it, drove their actions. And to understand how and why a group of young, idealistic and a political UK-trained army majors violently overthrew an elected civilian government of Sir Balewa, it would be proper to examine the circumstances that led to the 1966 coup briefly.

Meddling of politicians
The first of the many problems of those years was the unwise meddling of politicians in Army affairs. As the powers of the Balewa government were weakened by crises like the Tiv riots and Western Nigeria’s Operation wetie, it relied on the military to quell what were essentially ‘political’ unrests.

Almost as if hamstringing their powers, the politicians looked up to soldiers to restore some control in ways that may have unwittingly politicised and radicalised the young officers.

One should also remember that these were highly skilled young officers who, by the nature of their orientation, were nationalistic by training and idealistic by inclination. For instance, no one remembers now that Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, who led the 1966 coup, was the first Nigerian officer to be trained in military intelligence and who served as the military intelligence officer during Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s treason trial.

In that capacity, he would have had unrestricted access to some of the most vulnerable information of the rot of the civilian administration. Obviously, many of the young officers were conversant with information that would have infuriated them, such as the flaunting of wealth and squalid crookedness displayed by politicians.

When Chief K. O. Mbadiwe moved into his landmark castle at his home in Arondizuogu, ‘the Palace of the People’, opened by Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, and the press complained about its extravagance, Mbadiwe told the public off by jocularly reminding everyone that his new home was indeed for the people! First Republic Finance Minister, Chief Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh, was also in the eye of the storm. One unforgiving retired colonial officer, Harold Smith, described ‘festering Sam’ in unprintable words and ended up designating him as ‘synonymous with corruption in Lagos’!

First Republic mistakes
There’s no question at all that the politicians of the First Republic made many mistakes, traceable, presumably, to some of the defective institutional structures they inherited and the poor choices they were forced to make. However, it can also be argued that Indian political leadership inherited similar structures at independence in 1947 but managed to create complex but different choices that led the country along a different path.

Several studies have shown that some of the fundamental issues that have continued to plague us to this day as a nation, as, for instance, the mindless interplay of ethnicism and religious identities, can be traced to the First Republic. As the situation in the country deteriorated in the days leading up to January 1966, many of the young majors came under the influence of radical southern intellectuals, particularly at the University of Ibadan, who were openly calling on the military to save the country from disintegration.

In some cases, the call for intervention resonated with incitement and even instigation. In other cases, politicians secretly called upon the military to intervene. This enthusiasm for change partly explains why, when the young majors, driven, as I have said earlier, by a genuine patriotic desire to correct the political mess in which the country had found itself and decided to overthrow the civilian Balewa government, there was an initial sense of national relief before the situation was mishandled.

Surprisingly, with the possible exception of the Abacha coup of November 1993, each of these military takeovers was welcomed with jubilation and relish and subsequently legitimised by public opinion in ways that would have impacted the psyche of the military. And this brings me back to my earlier point: coups don’t just happen. The failure of civilian governments is the cause of coups. They derive from deplorable conditions created by a political leadership that abdicates its responsibility to the people. Conversely, the best antidote to coups is sound, transparent civilian governance that constantly reminds itself that governance’s prime purpose is the people’s welfare. Curiously, in witnessing the jubilation that accompanied military takeovers, I took away a few lessons (a subject to which I shall return later) from the hypocrisy of the political elite that recurred throughout my career.

Some of the most vociferous opponents of military rule were those who first stepped forward to request and lobby for benefits from the system after successful military takeovers. In other cases, some of the same members of the elite class who secretly advised on the extension of military rule were the same to accuse the military of a ‘hidden agenda’ to perpetuate itself in office!

Between these groups were genuinely patriotic Nigerians who offered their services, sometimes in return for nothing save for helping to grow and develop the country. For the umpteenth time, let me repeat: the days of military rule in Nigeria are over. Neither do I suggest that the military doesn’t have its share of blame for how we got to where we are today as a nation. But to indicate beyond that that military intervention was irredeemably disastrous is grossly unfair.

Those who are quick to accuse the Nigerian military of being no more than spoilt brats who merely fought to perpetuate themselves in power must never forget that as trained military officers, we, too, invested our lifetime, our youths, hopes, dreams and energy in the promise of a great country. For instance, the one thing that has hardly been adequately recognised in our history is the gallant peace-keeping roles of the Nigerian military worldwide…..

But, even if we ignore these roles and concentrate solely on military interventions in government, the Nigerian military has much to be proud of. Indeed, in certain respects, military leadership did more than the political class in the growth and development of our country. For instance, the military did creditably well in confronting the fundamental reform matters that have plagued us since 1960.

The military’s attempt to resolve the issues of the structural balancing of our polity, the choices between a federal, unitary or even a confederal structure, and the problems of creating states deserve to be recalled. And as I stated earlier, it should never be forgotten that General Ironsi’s attempt at a unitary government, self-delusionary as it may have seemed at the time, was an attempt to address this structural challenge. Similarly, the still-born 1967 Aburi Accord was an attempt to redress the challenges of (to use a more politically correct word) restructuring!

Although Aburi failed, among other things, for reasons that had to do with the absence of legal experts and the shortness of the available two days to thrash out the complex problems of national balancing at a difficult time in the country’s history, General Gowon made up for it by creating, as I stated above, on May 5, 1967, 12 new states that assuaged some of the anger of the moment.

Then, as if to consolidate on the gains of that momentous event of the creation of states and further unify the country after the successful execution of the Civil War, General Gowon initiated, again, as I stated above, the National Youth Service Corps Scheme on May 22, 1973, to foster, in his own words, ‘unity and peaceful coexistence of Nigeria at a period when the country was just recovering and at a low ebb’.

…The cumulative strides of those years were genuinely noteworthy, that is, the Gowon years through the Muhammed-Obasanjo administrations, the creation of states and the corresponding stabilisation of the polity, the monumental infrastructural developments that opened up the country, and the full implications of the free educational programme. While it’s difficult to fully assess their impact on the socio-economic growth and development of the country, it is sufficient merely to state that those measures were not only inspiring, but they laid the foundation for succeeding governments, civilian and military, for many years after. (Vanguard)

Politics

2027: APC Chairman Yilwatda Charges North-Central Governors, Guber Candidates to Unite for Tinubu’s Re-election

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APC National Chairman, Prof. Nentawe Goshwe Yilwatda,
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The National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Prof. Nentawe Goshwe Yilwatda, has charged APC governors, governorship candidates and party leaders across the North-Central region to unite political stakeholders and mobilise massive support for President Bola Tinubu ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

Yilwatda gave the charge at the APC presidential campaign rally held at Azaria Road Stadium, Jos, Plateau State, where President Tinubu’s campaign train received an enthusiastic reception from party leaders, supporters and residents.

In a statement issued on Saturday by his Special Adviser on Media and Information Strategy, Abimbola Tooki, the APC chairman expressed satisfaction with the large turnout and what he described as renewed unity among party leaders and supporters in Plateau State.

He described the rally as evidence of the party’s growing cohesion and commitment to securing Tinubu’s re-election, urging residents to translate the enthusiasm demonstrated at the event into votes.

Yilwatda insisted that Plateau State must deliver a record-breaking electoral victory for the President, declaring that political leaders in the state were now fully united behind Tinubu.

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He also described the President as a promise keeper who had fulfilled his commitments to Plateau State, arguing that the administration’s performance provided a strong basis for renewed public support.

A major highlight of the rally was the presentation of APC flags to the party’s governorship candidates across the North-Central states, a symbolic exercise aimed at strengthening party unity and consolidating its political structures ahead of the 2027 elections.

Addressing the party’s leadership across the region, Yilwatda specifically urged governors, governorship candidates and other stakeholders to put aside personal interests, reconcile differences and work towards a common political objective.

In Plateau State, he called on party leaders to sustain the unity already achieved and intensify mobilisation for Tinubu and other APC candidates.

He also charged the Benue State Governor and party leaders to harmonise competing interests, unite political stakeholders and mobilise voters for the party’s victory.

For Niger State, the APC chairman expressed confidence that the party’s leadership would use the flag presentation as a rallying point to strengthen unity and secure victory for Tinubu and other candidates.

Similarly, while presenting the party’s flag to its governorship candidate in Nasarawa State, Yilwatda urged him and other party leaders to provide purposeful leadership, unite stakeholders and mobilise support for the President.

He said the party must also work towards greater prosperity, peace and development in the state.

The APC chairman maintained that the North-Central region must approach the forthcoming elections with a common purpose, stressing that political differences and individual ambitions should not undermine the party’s collective interest.

He further directed party structures, elected officials, candidates and grassroots mobilisers to intensify engagements with voters and ensure that the enthusiasm recorded at the Jos rally translates into electoral support across the region.

“Our strength lies in our unity, our strategy is effective mobilisation, and our destination is victory. I therefore charge all our governors, governorship candidates and party leaders across the North-Central to unite every stakeholder in their respective states and work together to deliver maximum votes for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

“The Jos rally has demonstrated what we can achieve when we stand together. We must sustain this momentum, take our message to every community and ensure that our commitment to the President is reflected in our votes,” he said.

Yilwatda assured APC members and supporters that the party would sustain its mobilisation drive, strengthen its political structures and work collectively towards what he described as a decisive victory for Tinubu and all APC candidates in the 2027 general elections.

The statement was signed by Abimbola Tooki, Special Adviser to the APC National Chairman on Media and Information Strategy, and dated November 14, 2026.

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2027: No Candidate Can Defeat Tinubu, Says Ikedife

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President Bola Tinubu
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• APC chieftain says Igbo presidency ambition must wait, urges South-East to support President’s re-election

The All Progressives Congress (APC) South-East Organising Secretary and member of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Re-election Campaign Council, Dozie Ikedife Jnr, has declared that no candidate can defeat Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election.

Ikedife also said the South-East’s ambition to produce a Nigerian president must be put on hold, insisting that an Igbo presidency is not politically achievable in 2027.

He made the remarks during an interview at his residence in Nnewi, Anambra State, at the weekend, where he argued that Tinubu had performed sufficiently well to deserve a second term in office.

According to him, the South-East must prioritise political realities and strategic negotiations over emotional considerations in pursuing its presidential ambition.

Quoting Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodimma, Ikedife urged Ndigbo to distinguish between what they desire and what is politically achievable.

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“We desire an Igbo man to be president, but what is realisable today is for Tinubu to go and do his second tenure in office to lead Nigeria from his reforms to the era of prosperity,” he said.

He described it as unrealistic to assume that any presidential candidate could defeat Tinubu in 2027, given what he considered the President’s achievements in office.

“An Igbo man has a serious chance of becoming president, but I don’t see it being achievable in 2027. I respect the fact that an Igbo man is in the race, but we have to find ways to engineer our political movement so that we are not seen as being antagonistic or merely playing to the gallery,” he added.

Ikedife maintained that supporting Tinubu’s re-election would give the South-East a stronger bargaining position in national politics and improve its chances of securing support for an Igbo presidency in the future.

He argued that, under the country’s zoning arrangement, the presidency would return to the North after Tinubu’s second term, providing the South-East an opportunity to negotiate for its turn subsequently.

“Twelve years is not too long a time. With the support the South-East has given Bola Tinubu, we should be able to come to the table and negotiate support for an Igbo man to become president,” he said.

The APC chieftain regretted what he described as the South-East’s failure to engage in strategic political negotiations in the past, particularly during the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan.

He recalled that some Igbo political leaders had supported Jonathan partly because of his name, Ebele, and his perceived connections with the South-East, without securing a structured political agreement that could advance the region’s presidential ambition.

He said the region must learn from the experience by developing a deliberate political strategy capable of attracting support from other geopolitical zones.

On the economy, Ikedife dismissed criticisms of Tinubu’s administration over the rising cost of living, arguing that economic challenges were part of a wider global situation and not peculiar to Nigeria.

He defended the removal of fuel subsidy, saying the policy had increased allocations to state governments and enabled several of them to embark on infrastructure projects, clear outstanding salary and pension arrears and improve workers’ welfare.

According to him, states that previously struggled to meet their salary obligations were now better positioned to pay workers, while increased federal allocations had also supported transportation interventions and other welfare programmes.

He also cited the new national minimum wage of N70,000, noting that some states, including Imo and Ebonyi, had gone beyond the national benchmark.

Ikedife maintained that Tinubu’s economic reforms were beginning to yield results and appealed to Nigerians to exercise patience as the country moved towards what he described as an era of prosperity.

The APC chieftain further predicted that Tinubu’s victory in 2027 would be easier than his 2023 electoral outing.

He recalled the cash scarcity that preceded the 2023 general election, when many Nigerians reportedly struggled to access their money despite having funds in their bank accounts.

He argued that the political atmosphere was now more favourable to the President, particularly with the reported backing of several state governors, including some elected on opposition party platforms.

“There must be something our political leaders know about President Tinubu that many people don’t know. Even opposition state governors are coordinating his re-election bid,” he said.

Ikedife also listed the administration’s interventions in education, road infrastructure and electricity sector reforms among the reasons Tinubu deserved another term.

He particularly highlighted the constitutional changes that moved electricity generation and distribution from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent Legislative List, allowing states to establish and regulate their own electricity markets.

Commenting on Anambra State Governor Charles Soludo’s decision to coordinate Tinubu’s re-election campaign in the state, Ikedife described the move as an expression of political sagacity.

He said Soludo had correctly advised the people of Anambra to move away from what he described as emotional politics and embrace a political approach driven by their interests.

According to him, Tinubu secured only about 5,000 votes in Anambra State during the 2023 presidential election but still emerged victorious nationally, making it necessary for the state to reconsider its political strategy ahead of 2027.

“With or without our 5,000 votes, he is going to be elected President of Nigeria again. What Soludo is saying is that for us to be part and parcel of national politics, to sit at the table and make demands for the dividends of democracy accruing to us as citizens of Anambra State and Nigeria, we must remove emotional politics,” he said.

Ikedife urged Anambra residents to support Soludo’s position, arguing that aligning with the ruling political establishment would give the South-East a stronger voice in national affairs.

He added that Soludo’s declaration that progressives were working together in Anambra reflected the political direction the state should pursue ahead of the 2027 general election.

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Obi Defies Lagos Attack, Vows To Campaign Across Every Part Of State As Reps, Police Launch Probe

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Mr Peter Obi speaking at a Town Hall meeting
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•  The NDC presidential candidate condemns political violence, pledges to make Lagos a major driver of Nigeria’s economy, while the House of Representatives sets up a three-week committee to investigate attacks on political gatherings ahead of the 2027 elections.

The presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peter Obi, has vowed that the party will campaign across every part of Lagos State despite an attack on its supporters during a town hall meeting in Oregun, Ikeja.

Obi gave the assurance on Thursday while addressing party supporters at the gathering, which was disrupted by suspected political thugs who reportedly stormed the venue with dangerous weapons, injured participants and damaged vehicles.

The attack occurred at Classique Event Place, along Kudirat Abiola Way, Oregun, as party members were preparing for the arrival of Obi and his running mate, Rabiu Kwankwaso.

According to accounts from party members, the attackers, allegedly armed with cutlasses, cudgels and stones, invaded the venue around 11am, triggering panic and forcing several participants to flee for safety.

Some vehicles were reportedly vandalised, while at least four people were said to have sustained injuries, although the circumstances surrounding the incident remain under investigation.

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Despite the disruption, Obi proceeded with the town hall engagement alongside Kwankwaso, his wife and the party’s Lagos governorship candidate, Funso Doherty.

Condemning the incident, the former Anambra State governor commended NDC supporters for their conduct and insisted that intimidation and violence would not prevent the party from reaching voters across Lagos.

“Today is not a campaign. We will campaign in every part of Lagos State. Our town hall meeting is an opportunity for us to listen to the people. We want to serve the people, and we must listen to them. That will give us the idea of what they want,” Obi said.

He assured supporters that their commitment to the party’s political movement would not be wasted, urging them to remain focused on building what he described as a new Nigeria.

Obi: Lagos Must Become Nigeria’s Economic Powerhouse

Speaking on his vision for Lagos, Obi described the state as central to Nigeria’s economic development but argued that it had yet to achieve the level of transformation witnessed in major global cities such as Shanghai and London.

“Lagos is important to us. Lagos is the mainstream of our economy, but today Lagos is not doing what Shanghai did to China or London did to the UK. We want Lagos to power Nigeria, and to power Nigeria, we want someone like Funso Doherty,” he said.

He urged Lagos residents to support Doherty’s governorship ambition in the 2027 elections.

On national security, Obi recalled his visit to Yelwata, where he said he witnessed the devastating consequences of violent attacks on communities.

He promised that an NDC-led government would prioritise the protection of lives and property, declaring that Nigerians should be able to travel freely without fear of kidnapping or attacks.

He also pledged to tackle corruption, improve electricity generation and distribution, make basic education compulsory and free, and establish functional primary healthcare centres in every ward across the country.

Obi said his administration would work towards generating, transmitting and distributing at least 10,000 megawatts of electricity within two to three years.

He also criticised President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, arguing that the presidency required consistent energy, commitment and availability.

Police Confirm Attack, Two Men Hospitalised

Meanwhile, the Lagos State Police Command has confirmed the incident and announced the commencement of an investigation.

The Police Public Relations Officer, Abimbola Adebisi, said two men identified as Akinyemi Akeem and Ibrahim Babsule sustained serious injuries and were taken to the Emergency Centre, Toll Gate, for medical attention.

According to the police, preliminary information suggested that the injured men were allegedly among those involved in the attack, adding that their individual roles were being investigated.

The command said officers responded to a distress call, restored normalcy to the area and commenced investigations to establish what happened and bring anyone found culpable to justice.

The NDC, however, alleged that about 200 suspected political thugs invaded the venue, accusing security operatives, including police and Department of State Services personnel, of failing to intervene promptly.

The party’s Lagos Publicity Secretary, Olushile Akinyemi, claimed that some of the security personnel watched as the attackers unleashed violence on party members.

The party also said one of the suspected attackers was apprehended and handed over to the police.

NDC Accuses APC, Ruling Party Denies Involvement

The incident has triggered accusations and counter-accusations between the NDC and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

The NDC’s National Director of Publicity, Osai Director, accused the APC of masterminding attacks against its members in Lagos and Delta states, describing the incidents as attempts to undermine democracy.

However, the Lagos APC rejected the allegation, describing it as false and baseless.

The party’s Publicity Secretary, Seye Oladejo, said APC members and campaign officials were in Epe for the flag-off of their 2027 campaign activities when the incident occurred.

He challenged the NDC to provide credible evidence linking the APC to the attack and submit such evidence to security agencies.

The APC also condemned political violence and called on security agencies to strengthen intelligence gathering and prevent attacks on lawful political gatherings.

Similarly, the APC Presidential Campaign Council condemned attacks on political activities across the country and urged security agencies to arrest and prosecute those responsible.

House of Representatives Opens Investigation

In a related development, the House of Representatives has constituted an ad hoc committee to investigate reported cases of political violence, attacks on political gatherings and disruption of political activities across Nigeria ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The decision followed the adoption of a motion of urgent public importance sponsored by House Minority Leader, Fred Agbedi, and 16 other lawmakers on Thursday.

The committee, chaired by the House Leader, Prof. Julius Ihonvbere, has been given three weeks to investigate the immediate and remote causes of political violence and submit its findings.

Agbedi warned that the growing incidents of political intimidation, assault and destruction of property could threaten the peaceful conduct of the 2027 elections and undermine public confidence in Nigeria’s democratic process.

He cited several incidents across the country, including reported attacks in Enugu, Katsina, Nasarawa and Delta states.

The lawmaker also referenced Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantees citizens the right to peaceful assembly and association, including the right to form and belong to political parties.

He urged the House to investigate the circumstances surrounding the incidents and examine the performance of public authorities responsible for enforcing relevant laws.

CDHR Demands 16-Year Ban For Beneficiaries Of Electoral Violence

Also reacting to the growing concerns, the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR) has proposed that political candidates who benefit from electoral violence should be disqualified from contesting elections for up to 16 years.

The organisation’s National President, Debo Adeniran, said electoral contests should revolve around ideas, policies and programmes rather than intimidation, assault and destruction.

He urged political leaders to caution their supporters and called for investigations into reported attacks across the country.

Adeniran argued that individuals who organise or benefit from political violence should face appropriate sanctions, proposing amendments to electoral laws to make such disqualification possible.

Concerns Mount Ahead Of 2027 Elections

The latest attack comes amid growing concerns over political violence across the country as political activities gradually intensify ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The National Peace Committee recently reported 109 breaches of the National Peace Accord across 26 states and the Federal Capital Territory during a 10-week monitoring period between August 19 and October 27.

Political violence and thuggery accounted for 33 reported incidents, while misinformation and disinformation accounted for 29.

The committee identified Kaduna, Edo and Enugu as potential election flashpoints, citing recurring political violence, armed disruptions and other security concerns.

Other reported incidents include the attacks on political supporters in Katsina, the alleged attack on Peter Obi’s convoy in Calabar, and violence during a political procession in Asaba, Delta State, where one person was reportedly killed and five others injured.

The developments have renewed calls for security agencies to provide equal protection for all political parties and ensure that perpetrators of political violence are brought to justice, irrespective of their political affiliations.

With the 2027 elections approaching, Obi’s declaration that the NDC will campaign across every part of Lagos signals the party’s determination to continue its political activities despite the violence, while the ongoing police and legislative investigations will be closely watched.

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