Politics
Why 5 military coups took place in Nigeria — IBB
• Justifies military incursions into governance
Former Military President, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, IBB (retd), has justified military incursions into governance in Nigeria.
IBB, who explained why the country had five coups between 1966 and 1985, added that military governments had more development projects than civilian governments.
In extracts from Part Three, Chapter Five, pages 104 to 115 of his controversial Autobiography: ‘A Journey in Service’, launched last Thursday, he highlighted the motivations behind military interventions, the historical context of coups in Nigeria and Africa, the structural reforms initiated by military leaders, and the on-going challenge of ensuring responsible governance.
He wrote:
When I started working on this autobiography a few years ago, I knew that, as someone who had participated in military coups, I would, at some point, need to reiterate my position on the problematic issue of military interventions in politics.
Anyone, who reads descriptions of me, particularly in foreign publications, as a ‘serial coup plotter’, or as ‘the moving spirit behind most military plots in Nigeria’, would think that my 35-year military career was devoted entirely to coup plotting!
One foreign journalist, Karl Maier, whom I readily obliged with an interview, ‘returned’ the favour in his book: ‘This House Has Fallen’, by claiming that ‘coups seem to run in my blood’!
He was not the only one with that mindset. In its reporting of the coup that brought me to office as head of the government, one international news magazine headlined its story: ‘The Triumph of the Trouble-maker’! I will not bother responding to the discriminatory implications that I did no more than plot coups as a soldier.
This volume bears testimony to the modest contributions of a soldier who stood up to play the role assigned to him by destiny at a notably peculiar moment in his country’s history. And as I will show in subsequent chapters of this book, it’s a role (my mistakes and shortcomings, notwithstanding) that I look back upon with pride.
Resurging coups in Africa
When I started writing this book, I had also hoped that I could say that coup d’etats in Africa are now a thing of the past. But, thirty years after I left office, sadly, seven African countries, from across the Sahel to Sudan, are under military rule.
First, let me restate my position on the matter. Military coup d’etats, that is, overthrowing an incumbent government, whether as redemptive or corrective measures, are an aberration and should never be encouraged. Indeed, coups in the context of a democracy such as ours are not just unacceptable; they are illegal.
Appropriate sections of the Nigerian constitution insist that ‘Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any persons or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution’. So, the question should be this: if these are the provisions of our constitution, how did we end up with five military coups since 1960, the last of them being the 1993 Abacha coup?
Why we had coups in Nigeria
To put these in perspective, we would have to go back to our history as a nation and the challenges that have defined and shaped our collective existence.
But first, the larger picture. Military takeovers are not peculiar to Africa or isolated to Nigeria. The history of post-colonial Africa shows that where civilian leadership and the political class have failed to live up to their billings and progressively build upon the legacy of the colonialists, the military attempted to step in. In some cases, these interventions have been nothing short of revolutionary…
The point to note here, of course, was that the sordid failure of a particular ruling class created the need for an inevitable change. A pattern where the political class virtually abdicates its responsibility to the governed typically created the conditions that led to several military interventions in post-colonial Africa. Also, certain coups, given the peculiar political and socio-economic circumstances, are genuinely revolutionary, especially where the masses support the coup and where the coup-makers, beyond their own rhetoric, embody the people’s hopes and aspirations.
But the risks were always there because, to go back to Colonel Ibrahim Taiwo, whom I referred to earlier, a ‘good’ coup is only a successful coup, and a failed coup is a mutiny and high treason! Again, before I am misunderstood, let me reiterate my position: I do not suggest that military interventions, which can be undue interferences in the politics of a country, are replacements for incumbent governments. Nor do I imply that the military is the guarantor of good behaviour; far from it. All that I suggest is that coups don’t just happen.
They are sometimes inspired by extraneous conditions that demand interventions. Generally, the abject failure of civilian governments is the cause of coups. Therefore, a fairer assessment of why the armed forces seized power was not to be found in their success or failure to deliver once they took over but in the various factors and events preceding the intervention. Our example at home in Nigeria bears me out.
Without necessarily justifying the actions of the young majors of the 1966 coup, it’s possible to argue that the conditions that the young majors were compelled to face, even without sometimes asking for it, drove their actions. And to understand how and why a group of young, idealistic and a political UK-trained army majors violently overthrew an elected civilian government of Sir Balewa, it would be proper to examine the circumstances that led to the 1966 coup briefly.
Meddling of politicians
The first of the many problems of those years was the unwise meddling of politicians in Army affairs. As the powers of the Balewa government were weakened by crises like the Tiv riots and Western Nigeria’s Operation wetie, it relied on the military to quell what were essentially ‘political’ unrests.
Almost as if hamstringing their powers, the politicians looked up to soldiers to restore some control in ways that may have unwittingly politicised and radicalised the young officers.
One should also remember that these were highly skilled young officers who, by the nature of their orientation, were nationalistic by training and idealistic by inclination. For instance, no one remembers now that Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, who led the 1966 coup, was the first Nigerian officer to be trained in military intelligence and who served as the military intelligence officer during Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s treason trial.
In that capacity, he would have had unrestricted access to some of the most vulnerable information of the rot of the civilian administration. Obviously, many of the young officers were conversant with information that would have infuriated them, such as the flaunting of wealth and squalid crookedness displayed by politicians.
When Chief K. O. Mbadiwe moved into his landmark castle at his home in Arondizuogu, ‘the Palace of the People’, opened by Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, and the press complained about its extravagance, Mbadiwe told the public off by jocularly reminding everyone that his new home was indeed for the people! First Republic Finance Minister, Chief Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh, was also in the eye of the storm. One unforgiving retired colonial officer, Harold Smith, described ‘festering Sam’ in unprintable words and ended up designating him as ‘synonymous with corruption in Lagos’!
First Republic mistakes
There’s no question at all that the politicians of the First Republic made many mistakes, traceable, presumably, to some of the defective institutional structures they inherited and the poor choices they were forced to make. However, it can also be argued that Indian political leadership inherited similar structures at independence in 1947 but managed to create complex but different choices that led the country along a different path.
Several studies have shown that some of the fundamental issues that have continued to plague us to this day as a nation, as, for instance, the mindless interplay of ethnicism and religious identities, can be traced to the First Republic. As the situation in the country deteriorated in the days leading up to January 1966, many of the young majors came under the influence of radical southern intellectuals, particularly at the University of Ibadan, who were openly calling on the military to save the country from disintegration.
In some cases, the call for intervention resonated with incitement and even instigation. In other cases, politicians secretly called upon the military to intervene. This enthusiasm for change partly explains why, when the young majors, driven, as I have said earlier, by a genuine patriotic desire to correct the political mess in which the country had found itself and decided to overthrow the civilian Balewa government, there was an initial sense of national relief before the situation was mishandled.
Surprisingly, with the possible exception of the Abacha coup of November 1993, each of these military takeovers was welcomed with jubilation and relish and subsequently legitimised by public opinion in ways that would have impacted the psyche of the military. And this brings me back to my earlier point: coups don’t just happen. The failure of civilian governments is the cause of coups. They derive from deplorable conditions created by a political leadership that abdicates its responsibility to the people. Conversely, the best antidote to coups is sound, transparent civilian governance that constantly reminds itself that governance’s prime purpose is the people’s welfare. Curiously, in witnessing the jubilation that accompanied military takeovers, I took away a few lessons (a subject to which I shall return later) from the hypocrisy of the political elite that recurred throughout my career.
Some of the most vociferous opponents of military rule were those who first stepped forward to request and lobby for benefits from the system after successful military takeovers. In other cases, some of the same members of the elite class who secretly advised on the extension of military rule were the same to accuse the military of a ‘hidden agenda’ to perpetuate itself in office!
Between these groups were genuinely patriotic Nigerians who offered their services, sometimes in return for nothing save for helping to grow and develop the country. For the umpteenth time, let me repeat: the days of military rule in Nigeria are over. Neither do I suggest that the military doesn’t have its share of blame for how we got to where we are today as a nation. But to indicate beyond that that military intervention was irredeemably disastrous is grossly unfair.
Those who are quick to accuse the Nigerian military of being no more than spoilt brats who merely fought to perpetuate themselves in power must never forget that as trained military officers, we, too, invested our lifetime, our youths, hopes, dreams and energy in the promise of a great country. For instance, the one thing that has hardly been adequately recognised in our history is the gallant peace-keeping roles of the Nigerian military worldwide…..
But, even if we ignore these roles and concentrate solely on military interventions in government, the Nigerian military has much to be proud of. Indeed, in certain respects, military leadership did more than the political class in the growth and development of our country. For instance, the military did creditably well in confronting the fundamental reform matters that have plagued us since 1960.
The military’s attempt to resolve the issues of the structural balancing of our polity, the choices between a federal, unitary or even a confederal structure, and the problems of creating states deserve to be recalled. And as I stated earlier, it should never be forgotten that General Ironsi’s attempt at a unitary government, self-delusionary as it may have seemed at the time, was an attempt to address this structural challenge. Similarly, the still-born 1967 Aburi Accord was an attempt to redress the challenges of (to use a more politically correct word) restructuring!
Although Aburi failed, among other things, for reasons that had to do with the absence of legal experts and the shortness of the available two days to thrash out the complex problems of national balancing at a difficult time in the country’s history, General Gowon made up for it by creating, as I stated above, on May 5, 1967, 12 new states that assuaged some of the anger of the moment.
Then, as if to consolidate on the gains of that momentous event of the creation of states and further unify the country after the successful execution of the Civil War, General Gowon initiated, again, as I stated above, the National Youth Service Corps Scheme on May 22, 1973, to foster, in his own words, ‘unity and peaceful coexistence of Nigeria at a period when the country was just recovering and at a low ebb’.
…The cumulative strides of those years were genuinely noteworthy, that is, the Gowon years through the Muhammed-Obasanjo administrations, the creation of states and the corresponding stabilisation of the polity, the monumental infrastructural developments that opened up the country, and the full implications of the free educational programme. While it’s difficult to fully assess their impact on the socio-economic growth and development of the country, it is sufficient merely to state that those measures were not only inspiring, but they laid the foundation for succeeding governments, civilian and military, for many years after. (Vanguard)
President Bola Tinubu on Thursday held closed door talks with governors elected on the platform of the All Progressives Congress, otherwise known as the Progressives Governors‘ Forum, at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, Abuja.
Thursday’s meeting is the latest in a back-to-back series of engagements with governors and top chieftains of the party at Aso Rock to resolve the crisis trailing the controversial Presidential Campaign Council list released by the party last Saturday, August 23, 2026.
The governors marched to the President’s office shortly before 4:00pm on Thursday, after emerging from a separate session of the National Economic Council chaired by Vice President Kashim Shettima.
The consultations, which began since Wednesday, were aimed at reviewing and reworking the PCC list which has continued to generate controversy since its release.
The ruling party had faced severe backlash over the inclusion of some controversial party chieftains, particularly those currently facing corruption charges.
It was also alleged that some key sections of the party were not carried along in the drafting of the PCC list.
Multiple party sources, who spoke with The PUNCH on Thursday, said the meeting, which initially held from around 4pm to 11pm on Wednesday, could not be concluded.
Consequently, the meeting continued on Thursday after the regular NEC meeting.
As of press time on Thursday, The PUNCH could not confirm the extent of the changes made to the list.
However, sources close to the APC governors and party heavyweights said the list had been reviewed.
One of the sources said the initial list had been deleted from the party’s X handle and that a new list would be posted as soon as the President approves the deliberations at the meeting and the proposed changes.
“The list is part of the main agenda of the meeting. You can notice that the other controversial list has been deleted from the Twitter handle of the party,” a top source close to the APC governors said.
Also speaking on the list, another top party chieftain said, “Can you believe that the party was not carried along in the formation of the list? The President’s Special Adviser on Political Matters and a few persons in the Presidency came up with the list.
“You can see the backlash that has trailed it. The President is handling the matter, and it is believed that some changes will be made after the two-day meeting.”
Meanwhile, further findings by our correspondent showed that the party would double down on social intervention programmes ahead of the January 2027 poll.
It was learnt that this was part of the ruling party’s plan to reach out to Nigerians and ameliorate the suffering of the masses.
The APC had recently released the complete membership list of its 2027 Presidential Campaign Council.
As earlier reported, President Bola Tinubu will chair the council, with Vice President Kashim Shettima and APC National Chairman, Professor Nentawe Yilwatda, serving as vice chairmen I and II respectively. Senator Abdulaziz Yari was named Director-General, while Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodimma, will serve as Secretary.
The expanded list, numbering 223 entries, adds directorates covering finance, extractive industries, education, manufacturing and MSMEs, support group coordination, faith-based mobilisation, protocol, labour union relations, special duties, stakeholders’ mobilisation, community support, digital operations, grassroots engagement, and welfare.
Following series of controversies that trailed the list, the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communication, Sunday Dare, said later that adjustments would made to the list where necessary.
Dare said the list remained valid because the campaign structure was not yet complete, with several subcommittees still to be constituted.
“As it is with every other list, there’s a room for subcommittees. Those subcommittees have not been formed, and so many other names will come into that subcommittee,” he said.
Dare also referred to a statement issued by the APC, insisting that the party had not withdrawn the list.
“But of course, there will be adjustments. The list is not cast in stone, just like every other list,” he added.
Asked whether the expected changes amounted to a review of the council, Dare drew a distinction between the two terms, saying the changes would only be made where necessary.
“Not a review, just adjustments where necessary,” he said.
Explaining the distinction, Dare said a review would amount to a broader overhaul of the existing structure.
“Review is wholesale, this is not wholesale,” Dare said.
He added that the planned subcommittees would provide room for more party members and political stakeholders to be accommodated within the campaign structure. (PUNCH)
Presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peter Obi, has said Nigeria must move from an economy driven by consumption and imports to one built around production, investment and job creation.
Obi made the declaration on Friday while outlining his economic agenda for the 2027 presidential election, saying the country had the resources, population and entrepreneurial capacity required to build a more productive economy.
He said the key question for any government should be whether Nigerians were actually becoming better off.
“Are Nigerians better off than they were four years ago? Can they afford food, education, and healthcare? Can businesses produce, expand, and create jobs?” Obi asked.
He said his administration, if elected, would place agriculture, manufacturing, agro-processing, technology, construction, energy, creative industries and services at the centre of economic development.
According to him, Nigeria must “produce more of what we consume, process more of what we produce, and compete more effectively in global markets.”
Obi said his economic plan would include improving agricultural productivity through better security for farming communities, irrigation, rural roads, storage facilities, finance and market access.
He also promised to strengthen manufacturing and agro-processing to enable Nigeria to export more finished products and derive greater value from its natural resources.
The former Anambra State governor said government must also create conditions that allow entrepreneurs to invest, employ workers and expand without unnecessary regulatory and infrastructure barriers.
He stressed that public finances would be managed with greater discipline, insisting that government spending must have clear purposes and measurable results.
“Every naira should have a clear purpose, and major public investments should have measurable outcomes,” he said.
Obi also identified Nigeria’s large and growing young population as an economic opportunity rather than a burden, saying government must invest in education, technical training and human capital to enable young Nigerians to contribute productively to the economy.
He said the country’s economic objective should not simply be growth in statistical terms, but an economy capable of producing more, creating jobs, generating wealth and improving living standards.
“The goal is not growth for its own sake, but an economy that produces more, employs more people, creates wealth, and improves living standards,” he said.
Obi, who is campaigning alongside former Kano State governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, said their different governing experiences had led them to a common conclusion that Nigeria must invest in its people and manage public resources responsibly.
He urged voters to examine the records and proposals of all presidential candidates as the 2027 campaign progresses.
MY ADDRESS TO MARK THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE 2027 PRESIDENTIAL AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY CAMPAIGNS
21 August 2026
Dear Compatriots,
Members of the Press,
Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,
Wednesday, 19 August 2026, marked the official start of the campaign period for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections.
There is no doubt that this is a defining moment for our democracy. This moment gives Nigerians the opportunity to assess the records, ideas, and plans of those seeking their mandate to lead their country at a time of grave uncertainty in our rapidly changing world.
I consider myself quite privileged to be one of those seeking your mandate to deal with these challenges facing our country.
I enter this contest with one firm conviction: Nigeria can work, and Nigeria must work.
Nigeria faces several serious challenges. Some of them are indeed of existential proportions.
According to the IMF, 63%, or over 140 million Nigerians, live at or below the national poverty line, while humanitarian agencies estimate that 35 million people will need food assistance during the 2026 lean season. About 3.6 million Nigerians remain internally displaced, largely because of conflict and insecurity. Each year, millions of young people enter the labour market, yet too many struggle to find productive opportunities. Weak infrastructure, unreliable power, insecurity, and the excessive cost of doing business continue to burden households and constrain enterprise.
These are more than statistics. They reflect the daily realities of Nigerian families, farmers, workers, students, and businesses.
Yet I do not believe Nigeria lacks the ability to overcome these challenges. We have the people, resources, market, talent, and enterprise. What we must do now is turn these strengths into security, productivity, and shared prosperity.
LEADERSHIP MUST DELIVER RESULTS
My successful private-sector experience, studies in institutions of repute on policy and business matters, and my service as Governor of Anambra State have shaped my understanding of public leadership. Government must manage resources responsibly, set clear priorities, and measure the outcomes of its decisions. Public office is not a reward; it is a responsibility to the people.
In Anambra, I prioritised the foundations of long-term development: education, healthcare, infrastructure, fiscal discipline, and institutional capacity. I do not present that record as perfect, but as an experience from which Nigerians can draw their own conclusions.
Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso brings a different but complementary governing experience.
As Governor of Kano State, he focused strongly on education, technical training, scholarships, infrastructure, and human-capital development. His administration’s investments in education and skills showed an understanding that the people are a state’s most important long-term resource.
Our experiences are different, but our conclusion is the same: Nigeria must invest in its people and manage public resources with discipline.
BUILDING AN ECONOMY THAT WORKS
Nigeria needs more than reactive reforms. We must focus on the questions that matter:
Are Nigerians better off than they were four years ago? Can they afford food, education, and healthcare? Can businesses produce, expand, and create jobs? Can young people find productive work? Can farmers work safely and get their produce to market?
These are the measures that matter.
With your mandate, our economic agenda will put production, investment, enterprise, and human capital at the centre of how we lead.
We will raise agricultural productivity by securing farming communities, expanding irrigation, improving rural roads and storage, and linking farmers to finance and markets. We will also strengthen manufacturing and agro-processing so Nigeria can export more finished goods and capture greater value from its resources.
We will create a business environment where entrepreneurs can invest, hire, and grow without unnecessary regulatory or infrastructure barriers.
And we will manage public finances responsibly. Every naira should have a clear purpose, and major public investments should have measurable outcomes.
The goal is not growth for its own sake, but an economy that produces more, employs more people, creates wealth, and improves living standards.
SECURITY IS THE FOUNDATION
No nation can prosper when its people cannot live, farm, travel, or do business safely. Insecurity has displaced millions of Nigerians and continues to disrupt agriculture, education, trade, and investment. Our response must therefore be comprehensive.
We must improve intelligence gathering and coordination among security agencies, strengthen policing and border management, and make better use of technology. We must also support lawful community-based systems that identify threats early and enable effective responses.
The imperative of decentralising security management, but with strong systems of coordination between the levels, is critical to our plans.
Security policy must also address the conditions that make vulnerable young people susceptible to criminal recruitment. Farmers cannot produce food if they cannot reach their farms safely. Children lose the chance to learn when they cannot attend school safely. Businesses cannot create jobs when they cannot move goods securely.
FROM CONSUMPTION TO PRODUCTION
Nigeria, with a population now above two hundred million and projected to continue growing rapidly, has one of Africa’s largest domestic markets and labour forces. That is an opportunity we must seize to turn the future of our country around.
Nigeria cannot import its way to prosperity. We will produce more of what we consume, process more of what we produce, and compete more effectively in global markets.
We will deploy our experiences in public funds management, the private sector, and the civil service to turn our population into productive human capital, our natural resources into value-added industries, and our domestic market into an engine for investment and enterprise.
Agriculture, manufacturing, technology, construction, energy, creative industries, and services all have important roles to play. Nigeria does not lack opportunities; what it needs are the systems that enable its people to turn those opportunities into prosperity.
OUR YOUNG PEOPLE ARE OUR GREATEST ASSET
I reject the idea that Nigeria’s young population represents a burden. It represents an enormous opportunity, but only if we prepare young Nigerians to participate productively in the economy.
We will improve basic education, strengthen universities, and expand technical and vocational training. Nigeria needs doctors, engineers, scientists, and lawyers, as well as technicians, mechanics, builders, nurses, farmers, programmers, manufacturers, artisans, and entrepreneurs. Our goal is to secure a high demographic dividend from our youth bulge.
HEALTH IS HUMAN CAPITAL
A productive economy requires a healthy population, yet Nigeria’s health indicators remain deeply concerning. According to available data, Nigeria’s primary healthcare system is very poor, with infant and maternal mortality among the worst globally. We will strengthen healthcare, improve maternal and child health, expand access to essential medicines, and equip healthcare workers to serve effectively.
EVERY REGION MUST BECOME PRODUCTIVE AND PROSPER
Nigeria’s diversity is an economic strength. Each region has distinct assets, and national policy must unlock those assets while connecting them to one productive economy.
The North-West can expand agriculture, livestock, irrigation, agro-processing, and manufacturing while strengthening education and security.
The North-East can speed up reconstruction, restore livelihoods, and expand agriculture, education, enterprise, and regional trade.
The North-Central can strengthen food production and processing while developing its mineral resources responsibly.
The South-West can build on its strengths in manufacturing, technology, finance, trade, and the creative economy.
The South-East can expand its entrepreneurial and industrial strength through better infrastructure, stronger connectivity, and greater access to investment.
The South-South can derive greater value from oil and gas while expanding maritime services, fisheries, agriculture, and other productive sectors, supported by stronger environmental protection.
The Federal Capital Territory must demonstrate what efficient urban planning, transportation, housing, sanitation, security, and public services can achieve.
Every region must produce. Every region must contribute. Every region must benefit.
A DIFFERENT STANDARD OF GOVERNANCE
Sustainable development requires more than reactive reform. Reform is not the goal; better lives are. The World Bank’s April 2026 Nigeria Development Update makes clear that Nigeria’s challenge is to turn economic reform and stabilisation into improved livelihoods, stronger human capital, wider opportunities, and inclusive growth. We will pursue practical reforms that deliver lasting results, combining fiscal discipline with productive investment, as Senator Kwankwaso and I have demonstrated.
We will cut wasteful spending while protecting investments that create jobs and expand productive capacity. We will raise public revenue without stifling businesses and invest in education, healthcare, security, and infrastructure because they are foundations for future prosperity, not costs to defer. We will also build institutions that endure beyond any single administration. That is the standard by which every government should be judged.
Fellow Nigerians,
The campaign period gives every citizen an opportunity to join the national conversation. I urge Nigerians to examine each candidate’s record and proposals, ask tough questions, and demand evidence behind every promise.
We should debate ideas without hatred, compete without violence, and disagree without weakening the bonds that unite us. When Nigerians make their choice, that choice must be respected.
Democracy does not end on election day. Citizens must continue to demand transparency, accountability, and results from those entrusted with the mandate to govern.
Nigeria’s challenges are real, but so are its opportunities. We have the people, resources, enterprise, and creativity to build a safer, more productive country. Our task is to turn these possibilities into results. We have the credentials, experience, and record to collaborate with Nigerians on this transformative journey.
Our journey will be harder if we do not unite as one people and one nation. A united Nigeria, guided by shared purpose and a commitment to fairness, justice, and equity, will make transformation easier, strengthen our institutions, and help us hold our leaders accountable.
Finally, the 2027 election must be guided by capacity, competence, compassion, character, and commitment. Our campaign will focus on the urgent concerns of Nigerians and not on ethnicity or religion. Nigerians must reject and disregard any campaign driven by propaganda, ethnicity, religion, elitism, or cronyism.
As my team and I travel across the country, we will listen to Nigerians, understand their needs and concerns, and assure them that we have the competence, character, and compassion to lead and reset Nigeria for the benefit of all.
Nigerians deserve leaders who will engage them, listen to their concerns, and present clear solutions to unite the country, defeat insecurity, pull people out of poverty, drastically reduce hunger and the number of out-of-school children, improve education and healthcare, and build growth that serves everyone, especially the most vulnerable. Every candidate must be willing to present their credentials, defend their records, and subject their vision to open scrutiny.
No candidate should hide behind the high walls of power, send proxies or surrogates to the hustings, and expect Nigerians to entrust them with the leadership of the country. Every candidate seeking the presidency must have the courage to come before the people, answer their questions, defend their records, and subject their vision to public scrutiny.
True leadership requires presence and empathy. No one can lead from the front without standing with communities across Nigeria devastated by banditry, criminality, terrorism, and flooding. You cannot truly lead people you are unwilling to visit, listen to, and understand.
Today, I make this clear commitment: my running mate and I will take our message directly to Nigerians. We will listen to them, understand their concerns, and engage them openly. We will not delegate this duty to proxies. We will answer questions, defend our record and character, and present our plan to rebuild Nigeria. Any presidential candidate who lacks the resolve to travel across the country, meet the people, and respond to their questions lacks the capacity to govern it.
I commit to commencing the journey of resetting Nigeria by uniting it, securing it on the path of economic and inclusive growth, and moving our country from consumption to production.
A New Nigeria is possible.
God Almighty bless Nigeria. -PO
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