
News
Nigeria Under Siege: 2,496 students abducted in 92 school attacks since Chibok
Fresh assaults on schools last week, including two major abductions in Niger and Kebbi states, have revived painful memories of earlier tragedies and renewed questions about the safety of children in parts of Nigeria, particularly the North.
On Friday, gunmen seized 303 students from a Catholic school in Niger State.
The attack came only five days after 25 students were abducted in Kebbi State.

A hostel at Government Girls Comprehensive Senior Secondary School, Maga, Kebbi State, where bandits kidnapped 25 students, killing the vice-principal in the process.
These incidents followed a pattern that has continued since April 2014, when Boko Haram kidnapped 276 girls from Chibok and dragged the world’s attention to the vulnerability of Nigerian schools.
According to Save the Children International and UNICEF, about 70 attacks on schools occurred between April 2014 and December 2022, with more than 1,680 students abducted.

Over 180 children, according to the bodies, were killed, 90 injured, and more than 90 remain missing. About 60 school staff members, they said, were also kidnapped in the same period.
Findings by Sunday Vanguard indicate that between January 2023 and November 2025, Nigeria recorded another 22 attacks on educational institutions, with 816 students kidnapped.
These figures represent only verified incidents reported by police and eyewitnesses.
Many more, especially in remote communities in Niger, Zamfara, Sokoto and Katsina, are believed to have gone unreported.
If those cases were included, the total number of incidents would likely exceed 92.
The Chibok abduction marked a turning point.
Boko Haram fighters stormed a local school at night, overpowered guards and carted away 276 girls. Some escaped by jumping from the vehicles, but most were taken into remote forest camps.
Years later, many have returned through rescue operations or negotiated releases, yet UNICEF reports that about 90 are still missing.
Rather than deter future attacks, Chibok opened the way for an escalating crisis.
As Boko Haram’s power shifted, criminal groups in the North-West turned mass abduction into a lucrative business.
Kidnapping students became a reliable source of income, and communities across Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto, Niger and Kebbi states began to experience recurring assaults.
UNICEF’s monitoring reports show that only 37 percent of schools across ten high-risk states have even basic early-warning systems.
Human Rights Watch, for its part, described the situation as one sustained by impunity, saying bandit groups now attack schools with little fear of consequences.
How each crisis unfolded Chibok, April 2014
Armed militants invaded the Government Girls Secondary School at night, forcing students into trucks and driving them deep into the forest.
The abduction shook the world, sparked the #BringBackOurGirls movement and brought unprecedented scrutiny to the state of school security. Although some girls were rescued or released through negotiations, scores remain unaccounted for ten years later.
Kuriga, Kaduna, March 2024
Gunmen arrived as students assembled for the morning session. Early reports indicated that 287 pupils were taken. The kidnappers reportedly demanded one billion naira. Security experts argued that the steady rise in ransom-driven abductions reflected the state’s inability to disrupt criminal networks.
The human toll
Behind the numbers lies widespread trauma. Many children refuse to return to school out of fear, and parents withdraw others because they can no longer guarantee safety. UNICEF estimates that more than one million Nigerian children have reported fear of attending school due to insecurity. In 2020 alone, about 11,500 schools were closed.
Survivors often struggle with psychological trauma, social stigma and disrupted education. Reintegration programmes remain limited and underfunded, leaving many children without the support they need.
National response
After every major abduction, state and federal authorities issue strong condemnations and promise rescue operations. Some responses have been swift, with security deployments and task force creation. For instance, following the recent Kebbi attack, President Bola Tinubu directed the Minister of Defence to relocate to the state.
However, these reactions have not always translated into consistent action. Some rescues have been quick and coordinated, while others were protracted or incomplete. Analysts argue that the government’s approach has lacked coherence and long-term planning.
Public outrage often follows each incident. Chibok inspired global activism, while later events triggered mass protests, vigils and renewed calls for accountability. International partners also expressed concern and, at times, provided technical support.
Several state governments have temporarily shut schools, strengthened perimeter security or reviewed boarding policies. Yet, many of these measures have been reactive rather than preventive. UNICEF and civil society groups continue to push for full implementation of safe-school standards, better funding, improved law enforcement capacity and reliable early-warning systems.
Human Rights Watch maintains that the cycle of kidnappings reflects structural weaknesses in governance and security planning, and that Nigeria’s most vulnerable communities continue to pay the price.
Ransom dilemma
Although the Federal Government repeatedly denies paying ransom, accounts from communities, parents and independent investigators suggest that ransom payments have occurred in several cases.
Chibok (2016 and 2017 releases)
Multiple reports indicate that about N3 million was paid in two instalments to secure the release of roughly 103 girls.
Kuriga, Kaduna (2024)
SBM Intelligence reported that large sums of cash were delivered in vehicles and then ferried on motorcycles into a forest. The government denied paying ransom.
Greenfield University (2021)
Parents disclosed that they paid ¦ 180 million and provided ten motorcycles after an initial ¦ 55 million “feeding money” was demanded.
Dapchi (2018)
UN documentation suggested that a substantial ransom was paid to secure the release of most of the girls.
Kankara (2020)
Media accounts quoted a ¦ 344 million demand and reported an initial ¦ 30 million payment, though the government denied it.
Tegina, Niger State (2021)
Kidnappers demanded ¦ 110 million. It remains unclear how much was eventually paid.
Afaka (2021)
Some reports alleged that detained criminals were exchanged and about ¦ 15 million was involved.
National concern
Stakeholders warn that unless Nigeria strengthens the systems meant to protect children, the country risks normalising a crisis with long-term consequences for education and national stability.
President of the National Parent and Teacher Association of Nigeria, Alhaji Haruna Danjuma, described the situation as alarming. He said parents were desperate to educate their children but could no longer trust the safety of school environments.
Comrade Alao John, South-West Coordinator of NANS, urged government to secure school environments and resist the growing threat posed by kidnappers.
They, like many voices across the country, insist that Nigeria must confront the structural failures driving these attacks. Without meaningful investment in safe-school standards, clear policy on ransom, stronger intelligence systems and sustained community engagement, the fear and uncertainty that haunt classrooms in northern Nigeria may become a permanent feature of the national landscape.
Timeline of attacks
Here is a timeline of key school kidnapping/mass abduction incidents in Nigeria since 2014, based on reported cases:
14 April 2014: 276 girls abducted from Government Girls’ Secondary School, Chibok, Borno State.
25 May 2017: Igbonla Model College: In Lagos (Epe), armed men abduct six pupils from the college hostel.
19 February 2018: About 110 schoolgirls kidnapped from Government Girls’ Science and Technical College, Dapchi, Yobe State.
11 December 2020: Over 300 boys taken from Government Science Secondary School, Kankara, Katsina State.
17 February 2021: 27 students (plus some staff/relatives) abducted from Government Science College, Kagara, Niger State.
26 February 2021: Around 279 girls taken from Government Girls Science Secondary School, Jangebe, Zamfara State.
11 March 2021: 39 students (23 female, 16 male) kidnapped from Federal College of Forestry Mechanization, Afaka, Kaduna State.
20 April 2021: At least 20 students taken from Greenfield University, Kaduna State.
5 July 2021: Over 120 students abducted from Bethel Baptist High School, Chikun, Kaduna.
30 May 2021: About 200 of Islamic school pupils abducted in Tegina, Niger State.
17 June 2021: About 11 students kidnapped in Yauri, Kebbi State
20 January 2023: LGEA Primary School, Nasarawa: Six pupils kidnapped in early morning raid
20 January 2023: Kidnappers abduct six pupils in Doma, Nassarawa.
14 February 2023: Kidnappers abduct 15 National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members in Ihiala, Anambra.
28 February 2023: Nine children kidnapped by a 16-year-old teenager in Lagos State.
25 March 2023: Two children abducted in Suleja Local Government Area of Niger State.
2 April 2023: Bandits abduct two students in Bungudu, Zamfara.
8 April 2023: Bandits abduct over 80 children between the ages of 12 and 17 in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State.
3 April 2023: Eight students of Government Secondary School, Awon in Kachia LGA, and an unspecified number of residents in Kaduna State kidnapped.
21 April 2023: Gunmen abduct a student of a polytechnic in Enugu State.
4 April 2023: At least 10 students of Government Secondary School in Kaduna State abducted during an attack
16 May 2023: Kidnappers abduct about five National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members in Emuoha, Rivers.
27 May 2023: Kidnappers abduct four children in Njaba, Imo.
14 June 2023: Gunmen abduct seven students of the University of Jos.
24 August 2023: Gunmen attack school, killing one and kidnapping seven students and one teacher in Chikun, Kaduna.
22 September 2023: 24 female students abducted from their hostel at the Federal University Gusau, Zamfara State.
26 September 2023: Gunmen abduct a student of Isa Mustapha Agwai Polytechnic in Lafia, Nasarawa State.
4 October 2023: Suspected terrorists kidnap five female students of Federal University in Katsina
10 October 2023: Gunmen abduct four Nasarawa Varsity students
30 January 2024: Gunmen abduct six pupils + teachers from a school bus of Apostolic Faith School in Ekiti State.
7 March 2024: About 287 pupils kidnapped from LEA School in Kuriga, Kaduna State.
9 March 2024: 15 pupils abducted from a Tsangaya (Islamic) school in Gidan Bakuso, Gada LGA, Sokoto State.
17 November 2025: Bandits kidnap 25 students from Government Girls Secondary School, Kebbi State
21 November 2025: Terrorists raid Niger Catholic school, kidnap 303 students. (Vanguard)

Health
NAFDAC urges Stakeholders to lead vigilance on Antimicrobial Resistance, Adverse Drug Reactions
The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) has called on stakeholders and Nigerians to lead vigilance against Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) to medicines/drugs and Adverse Drug Reactions (ADR).
The Director-General of NAFDAC, Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, made the call on during a one-day Pharmacovigilance Workshop and Stakeholders Town Hall Meeting in Enugu.
Represented by NAFDAC’s Director, South-East Zone, Dr Festus Ukadike, the director-general noted that the gravest consequences of irrational medicine use today is AMR.
She explained that the misuse and overuse of antibiotics had accelerated the emergence of resistant microorganisms that no longer respond to conventional treatment.
“This means that infections previously treatable with common antibiotics are becoming increasingly difficult and expensive to manage.
“If urgent action is not taken, antimicrobial resistance may reverse decades of medical progress and place humanity at serious risk.

“This is why Pharmacovigilance is extremely important. Pharmacovigilance refers to the science and activities relating to the detection, assessment, understanding, and prevention of adverse effects or any other medicine-related problems.
“In simple terms, Pharmacovigilance helps us ensure that medicines remain safe and effective even after they have been approved and released into the market,” she said.
Adeyeye noted that no medicine is completely free from side effects.
“However, through effective Pharmacovigilance systems, healthcare professionals and patients can identify harmful reactions early, report them appropriately, and help regulatory authorities take necessary actions to protect the public,” she said.
She said that Pharmacovigilance remained a core mandate of the agency, adding that stakeholders and general public should play active part in monitoring AMR and ADR to ensure effectiveness of medicine and treatment.
Speaking, the Chairman, Enugu State Traditional Rulers’ Council, Igwe Samuel Asadu, commended NAFDAC for the workshop, while urging the agency to put more effort in curbing sales of fake medicines in the hinterlands.
Asadu said that Pharmacovigilance was needed more in the hinterlands of the state to stop people paddling fake medicines and “selling outright chalk as medicine in villages in the state”.
He gave the commitment of royal fathers in the state in providing necessary support to NAFDAC to check paddlers of fake medicines, “as we see our people die due to their activities.”
Corroborating, the State Coordinator of World Health Organization (WHO), Dr Adaeze Ugwu, said that the organisation would continue to support NAFDAC in the agency’s resolve to strengthen food and healthcare in the country.
Also, Dr Oliver Ezemba, Chairman, Nigerian Association of Patent and Proprietory Medicine Dealers (NAPPMED), urged everybody to get concerned on the issues of AMR and ADR to guarantee quality medicines for everyone.
Ezemba called on Nigerians to imbibe the habit of reporting any irregularities observed while using a medicine to NAFDAC for proper investigation, which would serve the benefit of many Nigerians using same medicine.
The participants asked questions on AMR and ADR as well as made pledge on reporting any suspectable AMR or ADR case through the NAFDAC’s Med Safety Mobile App using their cellphone or computer set.
In the workshop, a presentation was made on “Need for Effective Pharmacovigilance by All’, delivered by Mr Chidi Uche and Mrs Ogechi Udeh, who are NAFDAC officials.

News
Coup trial: Accused colonel rejects military court
The second accused person in the charges brought against 36 persons accused of alleged mutiny and plot to overthrow the government of President Bola Tinubu, Col Mohammed Ma’aji, has challenged the jurisdiction of the Defence Headquarters Garrison General Court Martial sitting in Asokoro, Abuja, to hear the case.
Ma’aji, in a preliminary objection filed before the court martial in charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM, between the Armed Forces of Nigeria and Brig Gen M.A. Sadiq, Col Ma’aji, alongside 35 others, urged the court martial to strike out the charges instituted against him, arguing that the military tribunal lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the case.
Ma’aji, in the objection, contended that the charges were fundamentally defective and incompetent in law.
The objection, brought pursuant to Rules 36(1) and 37(1) of the Rules of Procedure Army 1972, urged the tribunal to make an order striking out and/or dismissing the charges against the 2nd Accused.
“Take notice that the 2nd accused hereby objects to the jurisdiction of the General Court Martial to entertain Counts One to Nine of the charges preferred against the 2nd Accused in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM, namely ARMED FORCES OF NIGERIA V. BRIG. GEN. M. A. SADIQ (N/10321) & 35 ORS and hereby prays the General Court Martial for the following reliefs:
“An Order striking out and/or dismissing the charges against the 2nd Accused in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM for lack of jurisdiction. An order declining jurisdiction to entertain the charge as constituted.

“And for such further order(s) as the Honourable General Court Martial may deem fit to make in the circumstances.”
The second accused in the charge also argued that the complainant, listed as the Armed Forces of Nigeria, lacked the legal capacity to institute criminal proceedings.
According to Ma’aji, “The complainant (Armed Force of Nigeria) is not a juristic person and thereby lacks the requisite competence to initiate and prosecute the criminal proceedings in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM.”
Ma’aji further maintained that because the complainant allegedly lacked legal personality, the General Court Martial was equally deprived of jurisdiction to hear the matter.
Citing several Supreme Court and Court of Appeal authorities, including Green v. Green, Fawehinmi v NBA, and Mothercat Nig Ltd v Reg. Trustees of the Full Gospel Assembly Nig, the defence argued that only natural persons or entities expressly recognised by law could sue or be sued.
The written address submitted in support of the objection stated, “The name ‘Armed Forces of Nigeria’ described as ‘complainant’ in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM is unknown to law and destitute of any legal capacity to exercise Prosecutorial powers in respect of the charges preferred against the 2nd Accused.”
The second accused also challenged the competence of counts one to nine of the charge, which allegedly accused him of inciting other officers to join a plot to overthrow President Tinubu.
Ma’aji insisted that the allegations contained in the particulars of the charges did not fall within the offence of mutiny as contemplated under Section 52(1)(b) of the Armed Forces Act, 2004.
He argued that the particulars of the charge “disclose offences against the Sovereign State otherwise known as the Federal Republic of Nigeria and constitutional order rather than offences relating to military or service discipline or command structure.”
He maintained that the phrase “plot to overthrow the government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria” contained in the charge could not be equated with “lawful authority in the Federation” as envisaged under Section 52(3) of the Armed Forces Act.
“It is submitted that the Federal Republic of Nigeria does not fall within the phrase ‘a lawful authority in the Federation’ as used in Section 52(3) of the Armed Forces Act, Laws of Federation, 2004,” Ma’aji contended.
Relying on constitutional provisions and judicial precedents, he argued that the court-martial, being a tribunal of limited jurisdiction, could not extend its powers beyond what was expressly granted by statute.
Ma’aji also cited the Supreme Court’s warning against judicial expansion of statutory provisions, insisting that any ambiguity in penal legislation must be resolved in favour of the accused persons.
Quoting the Supreme Court decision in Nigerian Navy v. Lambert, the second accused submitted: “It is settled law that penal statutes are to be construed strictly to the benefit of the accused person and that where there is a reasonable construction that avoids the penalty in any particular case, the court must adopt that construction.”
The preliminary objection further contended that for a charge of mutiny or incitement to mutiny to stand, there must be allegations of concerted insubordination, defiance of military authority or refusal of lawful command or organised military rebellion against superior military command.
According to the defence, the particulars supplied by the prosecution failed to disclose those essential ingredients.
On this ground, he urged the General Court Martial to uphold his preliminary objection and dismiss the charges against him for want of jurisdiction.
Meanwhile, a witness in the ongoing trial of six alleged coup plotters before the Federal High Court in Abuja, on Wednesday, told investigators that Ma’aji allegedly threatened to force his way into the Presidential Villa, even if insiders refused to cooperate.
The fourth defendant, Zekeri Umoru, made the allegation in a video previewed in court during proceedings in the trial-within-trial over the admissibility of the defendants’ extrajudicial statements.
Umoru and five others in April were arraigned before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik on 13 counts of criminal charges over alleged complicity in an alleged coup plot to overthrow Tinubu’s government.
The six defendants: Maj Gen Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (retd), Capt Erasmus Victor (retd), Insp Ahmed Ibrahim, Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni and Abdulkadir Sani, however, pleaded not guilty to all the counts after the charge was read to them.
At the resumed sitting, Umoru, who worked with Julius Berger on the Presidential Villa clinic project, alleged that Ma’aji, through the third defendant, Insp Ibrahim, asked him to recruit between 18 and 19 persons working inside the Villa, including soldiers, Department of State Service personnel and Julius Berger staff.
According to the video evidence played in court, Umoru alleged that plans were discussed to switch off electricity within the Presidential Villa to aid the operation, but he warned that such an action would immediately trigger investigations and lead to the detention of workers on duty.
He further claimed that Insp Ibrahim later demanded N100m from Ma’aji to facilitate access into the Villa through an ambulance route, but Ma’aji allegedly rejected the amount as excessive, insisting he could still gain entry by force, although “there would be bloodshed.”
The witness also told investigators that he became uncomfortable with the alleged plan and repeatedly attempted to return the money given to him, insisting that the Presidential Villa “was not child’s play.”
He denied having access to the Villa’s solar power plant, despite allegations that he intended to sabotage the electricity supply within the complex.
The court further heard that Umoru did not immediately report the alleged plot to authorities because Insp Ibrahim allegedly advised him to delete messages and avoid contacting Ma’aji due to an ongoing audit in their office.
Following the screening of the video evidence, Justice Abdulmalik adjourned the matter until May 21 for continuation of the trial-within-trial.

News
Terrorists have infiltrated no less than 40 South-West LGs — Gani Adams
Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, Gani Adams, has raised fresh concerns over insecurity in the South-West, claiming that terrorists have infiltrated at least 40 local government areas across the region.
While speaking in a recent interview with The Punch, Adams said the threat in the South-West has become more serious than many people realise.
“We have 137 local government areas in the South-West, and we spotted not remnants of terrorists, but a lot of terrorists in no fewer than 40 local governments. We have many terrorists that have infiltrated those local government areas,” he said.
Adams revealed that his group had documented the development but chose not to make the information public immediately because they hoped to work directly with state governments to tackle the problem.
“We kept that document to ourselves because we were more confident that working with state governments, which are the institutions governing the states, would yield results compared to working with law enforcement agents,” he stated.
The Yoruba leader, however, expressed disappointment over what he described as the refusal of governors in the region to engage with his organisation despite repeated warnings over the past two years.

“As a result, we called for collaboration with state governments for the past two years. This is a government that knows your antecedents, knows that you have a structure across Yorubaland, even beyond Yorubaland and in some northern states, yet refuses to talk to you, refuses to agree with you, or even assist you, despite being in power and benefitting from security votes,” Adams said.
“Yet they didn’t call to discuss with you. So, you have to bear in mind that the only assistance you can give to Yoruba people is to talk to the media and give little information that some states have been infiltrated and that there would be attacks in those states, because you are not helping matters by divulging the entire information,” he added.
Reacting to the recent abduction of pupils, teachers and residents in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, Adams said local hunters and vigilante groups may not possess sophisticated weapons but still have a critical role to play in combating insecurity.
According to him, all factions of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) and other local security groups in the South-West are ready to collaborate against criminal elements.
“All hands must be on deck to confront these criminals. You can have less potential and still know the criminals in your area. Security is not always about carrying sophisticated arms,” he said.
“You need intelligent people. You need people who can infiltrate enemy territories. You need multilingual people who can speak different languages and use that advantage to gather intelligence.
“You also need people with spiritual potential. You even need clerics who will pray for the success of your mission. So, the issue of security has different sectors. By combining those sectors, you can achieve victory against criminals,” Adams added.
His comments come days after gunmen attacked schools and surrounding communities in the Ogbomoso axis of Oyo State, abducting several pupils, students and teachers from Baptist Nursery and Primary School in Yawota, Community Grammar School and L.A Primary School in Esin Ele.
Ondo State and several other communities in the South-West have also witnessed repeated attacks by suspected kidnappers and armed groups in recent months.

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