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Alleged N110bn fraud: Yahaya Bello to appear in court today

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Former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, is currently being detained at the holding facilities of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission in Abuja.

Bello, who was declared wanted by the anti-graft agency in April over an alleged N110bn fraud, was finally grilled after all efforts to have him arrested and stand trial proved abortive.

Since filing the charges against the former Kogi governor, the commission has not been able to bring him to court for arraignment.

The commission had initially filed 19 charges against Bello, along with his nephews Ali Bello, Dauda Suliman and Abdulsalam Hudu for money laundering offences amounting to over N80bn.

But the charges were reduced to 16 on September 25, with the total sum allegedly laundered rising to over N110bn.

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He, alongside other defendants, was alleged to have bought a total of 12 houses in various locations in Abuja with the money.

The offences, the EFCC said, were contrary to Section 311 of Penal Code Law Cap 89 Laws of Northern Nigeria, 1963 and Punishable under Section 312 of the same Law.

To stop his arraignment, Bello had filed an application before Justice Emeka Nwite, which the judge rejected on July 17.

Displeased with the ruling, Bello approached the Court of Appeal but was overruled.

A three-member panel led by Hamma Barka on August 20 dismissed the appeals filed by Bello and ordered him to surrender himself for trial.

He was also unsuccessful with his move for the transfer of his trial from the Abuja division of the Federal High Court to the Lokoja division.

Also, efforts by the commission to arrest Bello were allegedly prevented by his successor, Usman Ododo.

In April, Ododo reportedly facilitated Bello’s escape from EFCC operatives during a raid on his residence in Abuja.

In April, the EFCC had declared Bello wanted after he reportedly shunned a series of invitations and resisted arrest.

EFCC officials had stormed Bello’s residence in Abuja to arrest him, but there was a stalemate.

After hours of being unable to secure their mission, the security operatives reinforced with backup support from the Police and Department of State Services.

They were planning to forcefully arrest Bello when Governor Ododo, Bello’s successor, arrived at the scene.

Ododo, who drove into Bello’s compound, departed after a while.

However, as he was leaving, reports filtered in that Bello was in his vehicle, forcing security operatives, who had been on standby for hours, to allegedly open fire.

Also, in September, Bello reportedly evaded arrest by the anti-graft agency with the assistance of his successor, Ododo.

The September incident was after Bello and Ododo went to the EFCC headquarters.

While the media team of the former Kogi State governor insisted that he was at the facility of the EFCC, the anti-graft agency’s spokesperson, Dele Oyewale, insisted that Bello remained wanted.

But Bello’s team, led by its Director, Ohiare Michael, said Bello was at the EFCC office alongside his successor, Usman Ododo, but was not interrogated by the commission and was told he could leave.

“Earlier today (September 18), we reported the voluntary visit of former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission office to honour the Commission’s invitation.

“In the statement, we reiterated the former Governor’s great respect for the rule of law and constituted authority and stressed that all the while, he only sought the enforcement of his fundamental rights to ensure due process,” the statement partly read.

At the last hearing on November 14, the EFCC had sought for adjournment till November 27 in the fresh case it instituted against Bello, saying that the 30 days window was still running for the summons earlier issued.

Justice Maryanne Anenih of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, sitting in Maitama, Abuja, had issued a public summons on October 3, requiring the former governor to appear before the court to face a fresh 16-count charge brought against him and two others by the EFCC.

In the case marked FCT/HC/CR/778/24, the former governor was accused of criminal breach of trust involving the sum of N110,446,470,089, among other charges, alongside Umar Shuaibu Oricha and Abdulsalam Hudu.

Bello was ordered to appear before the court on October 24, but he failed to. The court subsequently extended the summons to November 14.

At the last adjourned date in the matter before Justice Anenih, Bello was given till November 27 or would be arraigned in absentia.

The court issued a public summon for Bello to appear before it to answer the 16 new charges pending against him.

Justice Anenih issued the summons after the EFCC filed an application claiming inability to serve Bello with the charge filed on September 24.

EFCC counsel Jamiu Agoro informed the court that the 30-day duration of the public summons issued against the former governor would lapse on November 17. He clarified that the summons was still valid.

Agoro argued that it would be inappropriate to take the plea of the defendants while the summons remained in effect. He added that the former governor was expected to appear at the next adjourned date, failing which the prosecution would take appropriate action.

Agoro also requested the court to extend the time within which Bello must appear and to issue an order for the hearing notice to be pasted at his last known address, Number 9, Benghazi Street, Wuse Zone 4, Abuja.

Justice Anenih subsequently adjourned the case to November 27 (today).

On Tuesday, multiple EFCC sources told The PUNCH that Bello had been arrested by the anti-graft agency in Abuja.

One of the sources, a top EFCC official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not permitted to speak on the issue, said the Chief Security Officer of the commission arrested Bello.

“He was arrested by our CSO. He was taken in around 12:59 pm. He later brought three of his lawyers,” the source said.

The source added that Bello was interrogated by investigators on the allegations against him for hours.

“He is being held at our detention facility after he was interrogated over the allegations against him for hours. The interrogation will still continue.”

Meanwhile, it was learnt that barring any unforeseen circumstances, the EFCC would arraign the former Kogi governor on Wednesday (today).

Another top source in the commission told our correspondent, “Definitely he will be at the FCT High Court tomorrow (today). Having evaded proceedings since the commencement of his trial, his arrest has presented us an opportunity to finally arraign him. I can assure you that he will have his day in court on Wednesday (today).”

EFCC’s spokesman, Dele Oyewale, could not be reached as of the time of filing this report.

Also, the Director of Yahaya Bello’s media office, Michael Ohaire, did not pick up several calls to his number and was yet to respond to the message sent to his line as of the time of filing this report. (PUNCH)

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Asari Dokubo and the Dangerous Politics of Entitlement

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Asari Dokubo
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By Sufuyan Ojeifo

There is something deeply troubling about the latest public outburst by Asari Dokubo.

It has little to do with the legitimate demand that public contracts face scrutiny. Men like Tompolo are not beyond criticism, nor should they be. The real concern lies in the peculiar logic with which Dokubo has chosen to defend one figure while attacking others.

In a video now circulating widely, Dokubo alleges that the Olu of Warri and Dr Osahon Okunbo collect ₦2.7 trillion annually for pipeline surveillance. He then introduces ethnicity into the argument, suggesting that the two escape scrutiny because they are “Benin” and “Itsekiri”, while Tompolo is being singled out.

The question that follows is simple: where is the evidence?

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Dokubo has produced no contract, no payment record and no documentary proof of any kind to substantiate this extraordinary claim. The Olu of Warri’s representative has publicly challenged him to produce the evidence.

A figure of ₦2.7 trillion is not a sum one casually introduces into national discourse and expects responsible citizens to accept on the strength of a speaker’s word alone.

If Dokubo has the documents, let him publish them. If he has the contract, let him display it. If he has evidence of payment, let him present it.

That is how serious allegations are made.

In the absence of such proof, what remains is an allegation dressed up as fact.

There is a more troubling dimension to the argument.

Dokubo appears to suggest that because pipeline surveillance occurs in the Niger Delta, contracts associated with it are somehow the proprietary entitlement of Niger Delta actors. That proposition should concern every Nigerian.

The Niger Delta belongs to Nigeria. Its oil belongs to Nigeria. The pipelines are national infrastructure. Contracts for protecting them are matters of public procurement, public accountability and national security.

They are not tribal dividends.

If a company from Rivers State is competent, let it compete. If a company from Delta State is competent, let it compete. If a firm from Edo, Abia, Lagos, Kano or Kaduna possesses the expertise, resources and capacity and wins a properly awarded contract, that should be welcomed as evidence that Nigeria remains a country rather than a collection of ethnic fiefdoms.

The idea that a contract is somehow “Niger Delta money” until someone from elsewhere secures it, at which point it becomes private enrichment, is a dangerous distortion of federalism.

It is precisely the kind of thinking that has kept Nigeria trapped in the politics of ethnic entitlement.

Perhaps the most unfortunate aspect of the intervention is the attempt to drag the Olu of Warri into a commercial argument in which the monarch has not been shown to be the contractor alleged.

The Olu of Warri, Ogiame Atuwatse III, is married to Olori Atuwatse III, daughter of the late Captain Hosa Okunbo. Osahon Okunbo is Captain Hosa’s son. The family connection is a matter of public record.

But marriage does not turn a traditional ruler into a commercial contractor.

Being someone’s son does not make a businessman guilty of whatever detractors choose to allege against him.

That distinction is elementary.

Osahon Okunbo currently serves as Executive Director of Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria Limited. Publicly available information indicates that PINL has been involved in pipeline infrastructure and surveillance activities, including the deployment of camps, vessels, drones and other assets along pipeline corridors.

That work should be scrutinised, as should every naira of public money and the performance of every contractor. But scrutiny is not the same as slander. An allegation is not evidence.

There is another question Dokubo should answer: If the real concern is the cost and effectiveness of pipeline surveillance, why does the argument repeatedly return to the ethnic identity of those involved?

Why does “Benin” matter?

Why does “Itsekiri” matter?

Why does “Ijaw” matter?

The only questions that should matter to the Nigerian taxpayer are straightforward: who received the contract, under what terms, for what amount, to perform what work, and what did the country receive in return?

That is the conversation worth having.

If a contract is inflated, expose it.

If a contractor has failed, expose the failure.

If public funds have been misused, let the appropriate agencies investigate and prosecute.

If procurement rules have been breached, pursue the evidence. But if all that exists is a video, an allegation and a theory about ethnicity, then one has not established corruption. One has established noise.

There is also something deeply distasteful about dragging a dead man into this quarrel.

Captain Hosa Okunbo died in August 2021. He cannot answer for himself, produce a document or challenge an allegation. That places an additional responsibility on those who invoke his name.

Captain Hosa was a businessman whose interests spanned maritime, transportation, logistics, agriculture, hospitality and security. At his death, tributes from across Nigeria recognised both his commercial achievements and his philanthropy.

His son has chosen to continue in business. His daughter is married to the Olu of Warri.

Neither fact constitutes evidence of wrongdoing. Neither fact grants anyone the right to convert family relationships into an ethnic conspiracy.

There is, finally, a curious irony in Dokubo’s intervention.

A man presenting himself as an advocate of the Niger Delta should be particularly careful about reducing the region’s legitimate grievances to a crude contest over who gets what contract.

The Niger Delta’s historical grievances are real. Environmental degradation is real. The failures of successive governments are real. The region’s demand for justice, development and a greater stake in the management of its resources is legitimate.

But those grievances are diminished, not strengthened, when they are converted into a doctrine that says public opportunity belongs first to one ethnic constituency and everyone else is an interloper.

That is not justice.

It is simply another form of entitlement.

Dokubo is entitled to question government contracts. He is entitled to criticise Tompolo’s critics. He is entitled to demand greater participation by Niger Delta businesses. He is even entitled to argue that pipeline surveillance should be organised differently.

What he is not entitled to do is manufacture certainty where there is no evidence and then dress the allegation in ethnic colours.

That is not agitation.

That is recklessness.

Nigeria has suffered enough from those who mistake volume for evidence, anger for courage and ethnic mobilisation for patriotism.

If Asari Dokubo possesses evidence that the Olu of Warri or Osahon Okunbo received ₦2.7 trillion annually for pipeline surveillance, he should produce it.

*Watch the Asari Dokubo video posted on Facebook via the link below:*

_*https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1FJbNd2Gf2/?mibextid=wwXIfr_*

Let the documents speak.

Let the contracts speak.

Let the auditors speak.

Let the law speak.

But if he cannot produce the evidence, the responsible course is to withdraw the allegation.

In a country already strained by suspicion, insecurity and ethnic distrust, there are some accusations a responsible man should not make without proof.

This is one of them.

■ Sufuyan Ojeifo, is a journalist and publisher.

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NAF helicopter develops fault mid-air, makes emergency landing in Benue farm

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The NAF helicopter after the emergency landing in Benue
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Just two days after the Nigerian Air Force lost 25 personnel in the tragic Ondo aircraft crash, another NAF helicopter on Wednesday made an emergency landing on a farmland in Makurdi, Benue State.

The incident occurred at Utur Tse-Igboji, Bar Council Ward, along the Welfare Quarters–Mopol 13 Ring Road.

According to eyewitness Stephen Ikpam, the helicopter reportedly developed a technical fault, forcing the crew to make an emergency landing.

Residents rushed to the scene to assist the officers on board.

All those on board reportedly survived and came out safely.

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GOCOP Trains Members On Deployment Of AI Tools to Boost Efficiency, Profitability

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L-R: Publisher of The Lagos Times, Sulaimon Durojaiye, President of GOCOP, Danlami Nmodu,mni, Publisher, Sundiata Post, Dr. Max Amuchie and the Publisher, Quick News Africa, Dr, Moday Ashibogwu, after the training sessions for members on the first day of the GOCOP Annual Conference held in Lagos on Tuesday, October 7, 2026. P
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The Guild of Corporate Online Publishers (GOCOP) has organised a training session for its members on effectively deploying Artificial Intelligence (AI) tools as part of measures to help them publish faster, better, and more professionally to increase profitability.

The training comes on the sidelines of the Guild’s 10th Annual Conference, holding October 8-9, 2026, at the Radisson Blu Hotel, GRA, Ikeja, Lagos, with the theme: “2027 Elections: Trust, Transparency and Shared Responsibilities”.

The training session, which was anchored by an AI expert and publisher of The Lagos Times, Sulaimon Durojaiye with the title: “The AI-Powered Newsroom: AI & Prompt Engineering for Online Publishing”, explored how participants can publish faster, better and more profitably in the age of AI.

Durojaiye defined AI as technology that enables computers to perform tasks that normally require human intelligence.

While observing that publishing has changed over time from its yesteryear structure of the newsroom-newspaper-reader, he noted that AI understand language, recognises patterns, analyses information, generates content, solves problems, makes predictions, assists decision-making, insisting that one does not need to be a programmer to use AI.

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He listed three AI terms every publisher should know, comprising Generative AI, which creates text, images, audio, video and code.

He also listed Large Language Models, which are systems trained on enormous amounts of information that understand and generate human language, such as ChatGPT, Gemini, Claude and Copilot.
He also noted that AI is not Google Search Engine, as it finds information for the user, returns links and sources, while you investigate and decide.
According to him, generative AI works with information, creates, transforms and analyses, but could be wrong many a time, a development that makes it incumbent on the user to verify every piece of information sourced from AI so as not to run into trouble.
He also took participants through the rudiments of what he described as ‘Enter Prompt Engineering’, which is the art and science of giving AI clear instructions to produce useful results.
He differentiated a Bad Prompt, which might involve a prompt like write a story about the budget, and a Better Prompt, which might just be like asking the AI to act as a senior Nigerian newspaper correspondent, who might be required to analyse the supplied budget speech, write a 600-word news story, lead with the most significant development in the budget speech, using the inverted pyramid format in news writing.
He further listed the Five-Part Prompt Formula comprising: Role, Task, Context, Requirements and Output, warning that better instructions would produce better results and vice versa.
On the AI Newsroom, he told participants that AI can be deployed for both news gathering and research, as it can analyse long speeches and reports, summarise government documents, extract key facts, compare documents, generate interview questions and also identify story angles.
Other newsroom and research capabilities of the AI include its ability to analyse datasets, research background information, convert complex materials into plain English and help to investigate, but it is warned that it does not replace investigation itself.
Other uses of the AI listed include its ability to assist across the publishing workflow comprising news gathering, research interviews, transcription, writing, editing and SEO social newsletter analytics, noting that it is not just one tool, but rather an entire workflow.
According to him, with the use of AI, one news event can become multiple content products. including news stories, features and explainers, profiles and interviews, opinion drafts, headlines and captions, newsletters, press-release transformation, adding that while AI accelerates production, the journalist remains responsible for facts, context and news judgement.
Durojaiye also disclosed that AI could be used for SEO, which underscores the fact that one does not just need to publish, but to get found, noting that it could be used for search-friendly headlines, SEO titles and meta descriptions, keywords and search intent, FAQs, content structures, internal-link suggestions and content clusters
“The story isn’t finished when you publish it. It is finished when the right audience can find it”, he said.

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