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Mr President, salary hike won’t resolve the present hunger, by Hassan Gimba

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Hassan Gimba
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These days, the words dominating the air are “hunger” and “protest”. And that, we are told, is because of two others – “dollar” and “salary”. Unfortunately, those capitalising on the latter two words to push for the first two words hardly mention the words “production” and “security” which are fuelled by justice and fairness. And there can be no justice without the rule of law.

I suspect some behind-the-scenes push regarding cries of hunger and a subtle mobilisation for protests that would engulf the entire country. While not discounting the fact that there is massive hunger in town, it is not entirely true that this government caused it.

We grew up regaled with stories of hunger or famine hitting the lands that some people dug into the underground storage of ants to salvage grains. Or people eating wild leaves or even raw calabash plants. Yet there were no protests.

Under the Shehu Shagari administration, the powerful Umaru Dikko, minister of transport, and chairman of the Committee on Rice Importation, once told us when confronted by “cries” of hunger that there was no hunger in Nigeria “because no one was yet eating from the dustbin”, and that Nigerians ought to be grateful as the government was paying salaries without borrowing. There was no protest, either.

I still recall a viral audio of a renowned Sheikh, Malam Qalarawi, complaining in the 80s that the dead were better than the living because the cost of petrol was ₦3 (yes, three naira) and torchlight battery formerly 80 kobo was somewhere around ₦1. And he threw in a puncher: “Ga basir”, meaning people suffering from haemorrhoids. Who does not have it now? Yet, there were no protests.

We have had periods when even essential commodities were proportioned and rationed and people flogged while struggling for their share, yet there were no protests.

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To be honest, there has never been a time in our history when there was no hunger. Perhaps the exceptions were that there were some positive factors in the society that made the hunger and deprivation of yesteryears more tolerable.

In the first place, no hope was misplaced because hard work paid off. People were educated almost free and health care delivery was functional and affordable. Crime was something read about and people felt secure while the judiciary was a sanctuary for the justice seeker.

Everyone was hopeful that their tomorrow would be better because they had seen those before them getting fair treatment and getting their just rewards.

But even then, Nigeria was a prosperous nation that was on the march to self-dependency. There were hydro basins scattered around that encouraged dry season farming while our farmers, even though predominantly subsistence farmers, were not short of fertiliser supply and other related Agro-allied inputs. Because of the robust and unhindered agricultural activities in the north, there was an abundance of groundnut, grains, cotton, livestock, etc. and these fed many industries in the food, cosmetics and textile industries.

We had rubber and cocoa plantations that served a lot of local and international manufacturers in the automobile and confectionery industry. There was coal and many others as well.

Now, most of the basins in the north are relics, the livestock are still being walked hundreds of kilometres for pasture, while insecurity has driven our farmers away from tilling the soil.

When Nigeria was facing some economic hiccups, the government of General Olusegun Obasanjo cut down the cost of governance drastically. A leader cannot be talking about improving the economy of his country while taking billions outside its shores to shore up foreign businesses to the detriment of hungry, jobless citizens back home. Among the measures Obasanjo took was the state policy of adopting assembled in Nigeria vehicles, the Peugeot.

In 1972, when the Udoji Commission recommended, among others, a Unified Grading and Salary Structure (UGSS) which embraced all posts in the Civil Service from the lowest to the highest, the naira was stronger than the dollar at about ₦60/$100. The commission increased the annual minimum wage from ₦312 to ₦720 (from ₦26 to ₦60). ₦720 was the equivalent of $1200.

As of the time of writing this, $100 was over ₦150,000! $1200 will be about ₦1,800,000. What this means is that the Udoji Commission’s minimum wage of ₦60 ($100 then) had more purchasing power than today’s minimum wage of ₦30,000 ($20 now). Then, just imagine $100 as a basic monthly salary today! That’s ₦150,000.

I have said it before and I will repeat it now: ₦1 million as minimum wage will help no one as long as the naira is weak. Period.

What we need now is not a salary increase, but the strengthening of our currency. Take the case of China. As of January 17, 2024, Shanghai had the highest monthly minimum wage among 31 provinces, with $370 per month. Germany had €1,584.00 per month as of June 2020. Spain, as of June 2019, had €1,050, Poland €523.09 and Belgium €1,593.81.

And these are countries that are richer than us and have higher GDP.

Now cast your mind back to when the naira was at par with the dollar and assume our minimum wage of ₦30,000 is $30,000 taking ₦100 to be equal to $100. Don’t you think that is more than enough?

To print more money just to pay civil servants will no doubt cause inflation, or even hyperinflation, as with Germany after World War II or what we saw in Venezuela and Zimbabwe. The salary gain would be so rubbished that the entire country would regret the increase for less than one per cent of the population.

The best way out is for public service salaries to be uniform, cost governance to be drastically reduced, and for Nigeria to start producing what it eats, wears and drives. And there is no better time to start than now and no better people to start than those running the country.

Then there must be fairness and justice. And security of life, property and investments.

With these in place, Nigeria will leapfrog many countries it is now looking up to.

• Hassan Gimba is the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of Neptune Prime.

Opinion

The vermin of untamed Social Media use among Nigerian Youths

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BY EMUOBOHWO RICHES OGHENEYOMA

With the help of social media, life has become easier through the dissemination of information through platforms like instagram, TikTok, facebook, Snapchat and twitter now renamed X.  Through the help of social media people have been able to learn various skills without going anywhere to acquire them.

Social media technologies appear to have affected many young people’s way of thinking so much that they even take everything as a joke, they do anything just to go viral on social media. Because of what they have watched online they no longer have respect for their elders to the extent that if you are not their parents you cannot correct them. Our youth no longer dress decent because of what they have seen or watched on social media, they want to dress just like their role model on social media. Social media has influenced our youth to embrace immoral dressing. Some influencers on social media, sometimes do not do as they have said online causing problems in the life of our youths.

Social media has led many of our youths into criminal activities like killing their loved ones just to make money and meet up with what they see online, some even start stealing to be able to buy what they see online, some even pressure their parents because they couldn’t afford that lifestyle for them. Our young girls are selling their body to men in order to buy the trending things online like clothes and phones just to meet up with social media trends.

Our youth no longer see their naked pictures and videos trending online as a big deal they even use it as a medium to go viral on social media, some even send their naked pictures to men just for money.

Students no longer take their studies serious because of social media, they want to do the latest trend on social media.  They wake up every morning just to do blog, making them not to perform very well academically. They even sacrifice their night sleep which is not good medically just to watch videos on social media causing damages to their eyes from their phone screen.

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Social media has made some youths to have low self-esteem, they do not have confidence in themselves because of the pressure on social media. Some youth have made attempts to commit suicide because of the pressure in social media.

I know social media has done a lot of things in the society like passing information but we cannot forget the fact that it has done more harm than good to the youths in the society. It is rare  to find well-mannered youth because of the negative impact of social media. Some even start taking drugs because of peer-pressure from social media.

It has therefore become imperative for the various arms of government ans security agencies to put in place a regulatory framework that will checkmate social media abuse among the youths in the country in order to prevent or eliminate the negative consequences.

•  Written by RICHES EMUOBOHWO, a 200 Level Student of Delta State University

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Opinion

Enugu State, Governor Mbah and The Road Revolution

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Enugu Works Commissioner reads riot act to construction firms
Governor Peter Mbah and other functionaries during road project inspection
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By Samson Ezea

There is no meaningful development without infrastructure, and no infrastructure impacts the daily lives of the people more directly than roads. Roads connect communities, drive commerce, reduce travel time, improve security, attract investments, and open up rural areas for economic growth. In Enugu State today, one of the most visible signatures of Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah’s administration is the aggressive push in road construction and reconstruction across the state. From urban renewal projects to strategic rural link roads, the administration has continued to redefine the state’s infrastructural landscape.

Recently, I had cause to travel to Nsukka. I began my journey from Independence Layout through the Enugu–Port Harcourt Expressway and passed through Abakpa Junction. What immediately caught my attention was the impressive level of work on the second lane of the Enugu–Onitsha Expressway, which has already been opened for use, as well as the ongoing construction of the flyover bridge at Abakpa Junction.

On getting to Penoks Junction, I became even more excited seeing the extent of the dualisation project stretching from the junction down to the flyover bridge at T-Junction as part of the ongoing dualisation of the Penoks–Opi–Nsukka Road by Governor Mbah’s administration. Unlike in the past, when journeys to Nsukka were stressful and time-consuming, I arrived in less than 40 minutes.

Apart from the already completed sections, construction work is progressing rapidly on other parts of the road, particularly from the Opi Nsukka Junction axis towards Enugu. Just like every other road, Governor Mbah’s administration has constructed and reconstructed in the state, one remarkable feature of the project is the provision of proper drainage systems on both sides of the road to ensure easy flow of erosion and floodwater. This was largely absent on the old road and had contributed significantly to its deterioration over the years.

Beyond eliminating the usual traffic congestion and gridlock associated with the route, the economic benefits and long-term impact of the dualisation of this strategic road cannot be overemphasized. It is a major gateway linking Enugu State to northern Nigeria and other parts of the South-East.

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Also, during the grand finale of the Tomorrow Is Here Movement, the vibrant support group of Governor Mbah’s administration, held at Owo Junction last month, I took time to travel through the ongoing 44.5-kilometre dual carriage road being constructed from scratch from Owo Junction through Ubahu down to Ikem. The road, when completed, will serve as another major access route connecting Enugu State to Northern Nigeria, while opening up several rural communities to development and economic opportunities.

Across Enugu State, from urban centres to rural communities, I have personally driven through several strategic roads either under construction or undergoing rehabilitation by Governor Mbah’s administration, roads I never even knew existed from my undergraduate days in Enugu till date.

Despite the huge backlog of infrastructural deficits inherited from decades of neglect by successive administrations, even before the creation of Enugu State in 1991, Governor Mbah’s administration has performed remarkably well in critical infrastructure development, particularly in roads, schools, hospitals, and related sectors. These projects are gradually transforming the developmental outlook of the state and positioning Enugu as an emerging investment destination.

From the outset, it was obvious that Governor Mbah came prepared for governance. This became even clearer on August 31, 2024, when he commissioned the Enugu State ultra-modern Mega Asphalt Plant, one of the best in the South-East region. The plant was established specifically to tackle the high cost and logistical challenges associated with road construction, especially asphalt production, which constitutes a major component of road projects.

The establishment of this important facility has significantly accelerated the pace and quality of road construction across the state.
Aside from occasional delays caused by the rainy season, most of the roads awarded by the administration are progressing steadily. Importantly, none of the projects awarded by Governor Mbah’s government has been abandoned. Construction activities are ongoing on virtually all of them, earning commendations from residents and indigenes alike.

Even as political activities ahead of the 2027 general elections intensify, with many politicians focusing more on strategies for electoral victory, Governor Mbah appears determined to allow his performance speak for him. This perhaps explains why the administration has continued to award more strategic road projects across the state.
Among the recently flagged-off projects is the 52.2-kilometre Nsukka–Leija–Aku–Akpakumeze–Eke-Ebe Road, inaugurated during the Enugu North Mega Endorsement Rally in May 2026. Other newly awarded projects include:
Beach Junction–Ovoko Afor Road, Nsukka
Enyichiru Barracks Junction Road, Nsukka – 1.2km
Mechanic Road Barracks Junction, Nsukka – 1.15km
Ugwuachara Road, Nsukka – 1.55km
Ezeagu–Umumba–Orie Engine Ebenebe Road – 10.1km
Enugu United Palm Plantation (EUPP) Access Road at Ibite Olo, Ezeagu – 14.5km
Umabi–Umuaga Link Road – 3.6km
Eke Obinagu–Obodo Nike–Umuode–Oruku–Aguikpa–Amaechi Idodo Road – 18.23km
Obodo Ukwu–Inyi Road – 5.6km
Ehuhe–Achi–Umabi Road – 13.05km
Amanpunato Achi–Amoli Road – 16.47km
Altogether, these projects cover over 151 kilometres of roads across different parts of the state.

These are not just ordinary roads; they are economic lifelines. They will boost agriculture, enhance rural commerce, improve access to healthcare and education, reduce travel time, and strengthen connectivity between rural communities and urban centres.
That is why it is amusing to read the propaganda and misinformation being circulated by some sponsored social media hirelings attempting to downplay the achievements of Governor Mbah’s administration in road construction. Their aim may be to score cheap political points ahead of the 2027 elections, but facts remain sacred.
Even to the blind, it is obvious and indisputable that Governor Mbah’s administration has done remarkably well in road construction and reconstruction across Enugu State. The administration has not abandoned any road project awarded so far and continues to initiate new projects despite growing political distractions.

The construction of the Mega Asphalt Plant at the early stage of the administration clearly demonstrated foresight, seriousness, and preparedness to tackle the long-standing challenge of deplorable roads across the state.
However, one undeniable reality remains: the infrastructural decay inherited over several decades is enormous.

Even if Governor Mbah were given another eight years focused solely on road construction, it would still be difficult to completely erase the backlog of dilapidated roads across the state. That is simply the magnitude of neglect accumulated over the years.

Nevertheless, the progress made so far deserves recognition and appreciation. Road construction is highly capital-intensive and requires careful planning, technical expertise, and time to ensure durability and quality delivery. Therefore, development should not only be assessed based on whether roads in one’s immediate community have been reconstructed. Governance must be viewed from a broader perspective.

In all fairness, Governor Peter Mbah’s administration has shown commitment, vision, and determination in addressing Enugu State’s infrastructural challenges. The ongoing road revolution across the state is not merely about laying asphalt; it is about opening up communities, stimulating economic growth, improving the quality of life of the people, and laying a solid foundation for future generations.

Indeed, the roads are speaking for the administration.

• Ezea writes from Independence Layout, Enugu State

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Business

Amukpe-Escravos pipeline and the real cost of ignoring current value, By Sufuyan Ojeifo

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Nigeria’s oil infrastructure has a habit of telling uncomfortable truths. Not just about barrels and flow rates, but about how a country chooses to value what it cannot afford to lose, and what it risks when it gets that calculation wrong.

Take the Amukpe-Escravos Pipeline, for example. A syndicate of lenders, led by Sterling Bank, is pushing back against efforts to revive a collapsed transaction involving a 40% stake in the asset. Their argument is not complicated. It is rooted in numbers and contractual discipline.

To be clear, a deal that fell apart in 2024 is being reconsidered using a valuation from that same year. However, since then, the asset has proved its worth. Independent assessments now place that stake closer to $600 million. The earlier benchmark sits far below that. The gap is not cosmetic. It is material. And if left unaddressed, it becomes a cost.

The original $243 million offer did not collapse by accident. It was terminated in October 2024 after Conpurex Limited failed to meet payment obligations, breached key terms, and sought to shift risk back to the seller. By the time the Technical Committee closed the process, confidence had already drained out of it. That much is settled.

Ordinarily, that should have been the end. Instead, there are moves to return to a September 2025 approval linked to that same process. The lenders describe this as an administrative carryover. Their response is simple. Start again. Set aside the old approval. Bring in an independent adviser. Return the asset to the market and let current value speak.

What is striking is not just the position itself, but how unusual it sounds in the Nigerian context. In a system where strategic assets have too often travelled through corridors of convenience, an insistence on valuation and process can sound almost rebellious. It should not be so.

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Because this is not entirely about one pipeline. It is about whether a terminated deal remains terminated. Whether contracts still mean what they say. Whether performance counts for anything once the paperwork has been filed away. And, crucially, who bears the cost when value is ignored.

The numbers, as always, are blunt. A 2025 independent valuation, referenced in the March 2026 edition of Africa Oil+Gas Report, places the 40% stake at a mid-case of $372 million, a high case of $544 million, and an upside of $641 million. These are not speculative figures. They reflect an asset that has quietly done its job in a difficult environment.

With a capacity of 160,000 barrels per day and uptime consistently above 95%, the Amukpe-Escravos Pipeline has become one of the more reliable evacuation routes in a system where reliability is often in short supply. While other corridors struggle with theft and disruption, this one works.

That fact matters a great deal. Because when an asset proves itself under pressure, its value does not stand still. It moves. To price it as though nothing has changed is not just a technical choice. It is a financial one. And every financial choice has consequences.

It says performance can be ignored. It says time does not count. It says administrative continuity can outrun economic reality. To be fair, the earlier process gave enough warning signs. Lenders questioned the assumptions. Coordination was weak. When Continental Oil and Gas stepped back, Conpurex entered without a clean transition and soon began to reopen settled terms, shifting obligations and introducing new conditions that unsettled the commercial balance. The eventual termination was not dramatic. It was inevitable.

What unsettles stakeholders now is the possibility that a process that ran its course may still shape the outcome. If a concluded transaction can reappear without a clear restart, the line between closure and continuity begins to blur. Once that line blurs, contractual uncertainty follows. And when certainty weakens, serious capital takes notice.

This is where the issue widens beyond the pipeline itself. Back in March, Africa Oil+Gas Report described the Amukpe-Escravos matter as no longer just a transaction story, but a test of how Nigeria governs, values, and safeguards strategic oil infrastructure. That reading feels even more relevant now.

Because what is at stake is not simply who acquires a stake in a pipeline. It is how the country signals to those willing to invest in its most critical assets. It is about whether value is recognised only in theory, or protected in practice. It is about whether losses are acknowledged, or quietly absorbed.

The lenders’ position is often described as resistance. It is better understood as discipline. Reset the process. Revisit the approval. Bring in independent oversight. Return the asset to the market through a transparent and competitive process that reflects present realities. Ensure capable counterparties. Align all stakeholders.

These are not extravagant demands. They are the basics. Nigeria has seen too many assets drift from promise to regret. Too many structures that once worked reduced to cautionary tales. When something works, when something proves resilient in a difficult system, the least that can be done is to treat it with the seriousness it has earned.

Moments like this do not announce themselves as turning points. They arrive quietly, dressed as routine decisions.

But they reveal everything. For an economy seeking disciplined capital and trying to rebuild confidence, the signal matters. Let the process be reset. Let valuation reflect reality. Let the outcome show that when Nigeria recognises value, it also knows how to protect it, and what it stands to lose when it does not.

Until then, the lenders’ position stands as a reminder that in a system where too much has been taken for granted, some lines are too important to be crossed and must be held.

● Sufuyan Ojeifo publishes THE CONCLAVE online newspaper.

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