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Why push for military rule in West Africa should be resisted, By Law Mefor

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National Anthem Change: Rat chase in house on fire, By Law Mefor
• Dr. Law Mefor
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Notwithstanding the atrocities it has brought to the African nations where the military had ruled, there is still a tacit push in the West African sub-region for the return of military dictatorship. In the last couple of years, seven African countries have witnessed full military takeover, mostly in West Africa. A counter-coordinated movement is needed to upend those who are pushing for the return of military dictatorships to West Africa and to defend, uphold, and strengthen democracy in the sub-region.

The countries of West Africa cannot afford to go back to the abhorrent past that the various military regimes brought upon the sub-continent. English historian John Emerich Edward Dahlberg Acton noted that one essential aspect of human nature is that “power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely”. No man is therefore good enough to be entrusted with the destiny of a nation and its citizens.

In West Africa, military control has had terrible and devastating effects. The military used propaganda and public sympathy to enslave the populace and jeopardise the potential for planned and equitable national development, causing the sub-region to deteriorate with stunted growth.

This pattern and the negative effects of military rule in West Africa were more clearly demonstrated by the example of Nigeria. If the Nigerian military had not interrupted democracy in 1966 and replaced it with its ways, one can only imagine where Nigeria would have ended up by the year 2000.

A look at the economy of the Eastern region will serve as an example. In 1964, Eastern Nigeria’s regional economy was recognised by the World Bank as the fastest-growing globally. Currently comprising the five states of the South East and four of the six states of the South-South, Eastern Nigeria was named according to this evaluation as growing at over 9% per annum. Based on the fact that Nigeria was the world’s leading producer and exporter of palm kernel and oil in 1964, the assessment was conducted. Eastern Nigeria provided more than 90% of the palm kernel and oil produced in Nigeria. The largest cassava producer in the world was Nigeria. Nigeria’s Eastern region produced more than 60% of the country’s cassava then.

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Eastern Nigerian garri, yam, and palm oil were being sold in South Africa, the United States, and Great Britain by 1964. After coal mining reached a commercial level of output, coal exports from Nigeria began to bring in money for Eastern Nigeria. The Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation (ENDC), which produced premium garri, rice, vegetable oil, fresh eggs, frozen fish, frozen chicken, frozen beef, frozen pork, and pork sausages for both domestic and export markets, was Eastern Nigeria’s second-largest employer of labour by 1964, behind the federal government.

Both the Northern and western regions grew exponentially also at the same time. Before certain European nations, the Western region established a television station under the clever and imaginative leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Under Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Northern region’s agricultural superiority was clear.

Democracy was curtailed by a careless military misadventure under the command of Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. Many African nations experienced military takeovers in the 1960s, including Nigeria, which saw two military coups in 1966 alone.

One reaction to the collapse of governmental stability and pervasive corruption was the military takeover. But when corruption in Nigeria is compared between military rule and democratic rule, it becomes clear that the military was the one that institutionalised corruption here. This is sufficiently demonstrated by the never-ending loot of Sani Abacha.

Corruption infiltrated most government institutions during the military period and remains pervasive throughout Nigeria because the military regime discarded due process and the rule of law. The military established a culture of impunity and large-scale theft of public funds, thus making entrenched corruption Nigeria’s greatest enemy.

Between 1966 and 1999, when Nigeria was ruled by the military, the nation’s economy was severely damaged and disrupted, and the best public service in Africa was completely decimated. The military revoked Nigeria’s federalism and implemented many unitary constitutions each time they reluctantly relinquished power. The States’ capacity to prosper economically was taken away by these unitary constitutions, unlike it was when there were regions in Nigeria during the First Republic.

Under military rule, Nigeria’s social and cultural life withered, and the country’s once-world-class educational system was devastated. After the military took over the country’s administration, corruption, theft, and injustice became widespread in Nigerian society.

Since human life is the most valuable resource in the world, any system that endangers or ignores it should be abolished since it is wrong and harmful. The advantages of democratic governance over military dictatorship are summed up in the fact that when the military takes over, civilians are dehumanised and depersonalised in the guise of maintaining law and order. Derogatorily calling citizens “Bloody civilians,” the military abhors civilian counterparts and will never treat them as equals. Why, therefore, do the same people who have been victims of military rule demand the return of such brutal military rulers who will never treat them like human beings? It is strange.

In actuality, the military poses as the country’s order keepers while purposefully violating fundamental liberties and rights. Armed military men mercilessly suppress and oppress civilians and deny them any freedom, including the right to live, and cause them to suffer immeasurably as a result.

All educated minds concur that military regimes are to blame for the disintegration and breakdown of public institutions such as educational systems, in addition to the institutionalisation of nepotism, impunity, corruption, and massive public money theft.

The consolidation of power in the hands of one individual has always been harmful throughout human history; the Nigerian example is scarcely exceptional in this regard. No human being is deserving of absolute power over a state, the rights of its citizens, or their lives.

The three branches of government in modern democracies are the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, each of which is led by a separate individual or persons and functions as a check on the other. Without a doubt, the concentration of power under one military ruler has always resulted in horrific incidents, abuses of power beyond the letter of their laws, and violations of human rights through the use of force and state terror.

Although this is not true in practice, the military is perceived as a champion of unity. Military rulers have often made decisions that eroded the nation’s cohesion and unity, and many of these decisions have irreversible terrible consequences. The dominance of Nigeria by the North was an imposition of the various military regimes led by Northern military officers.

Contrary to the military government, democracy maintains that power belongs to the people, not to a single man or group. In a democracy, the people make constitutions, which lay the foundation for contemporary civilised coexistence and serve as the guiding principle for national life. Whereas the country is subject to the whims and avarice of a single man acting as God when a military dictator issues decrees that the entire nation and her population must abide by.

Again in contrast to democracy, which is based on separation of powers and the rule of law, military power is possessed by a single individual. Consequently, under military rule, national development is erratic and skewed towards the dictates of the military ruler. For instance, some of the States’ and Local Governments’ creations and choices of their capitals were predicated on the private demands of wives and friends, not on overriding national interest.

It is impossible to demand accountability in a military setting, unlike in a democracy. The military clique is unaccountable, and anyone who dares to question their behaviour often faces threats to life or exile.

The Nigerian constitution assigns the media the duty of holding the government accountable to the people. Press freedom, on the other hand, is viewed as dangerous when the military is in government, and every effort is made to stifle the media and constrict public space—often violently. Any real attempts by the media to point out the government’s inadequacies on significant subjects are suppressed. When a military dictatorship is in place, journalists who criticise it frequently risk physical violence, imprisonment, and kidnapping. A few even lost their lives and the survivors live in permanent fear and terror. Muhammadu Buhari’s draconian military rule jailed many journalists and promulgated decrees with retrogressive effect under which many were tried and executed for offenses they committed before such decrees were promulgated.

A country runs the risk of severing ties with several other countries and international institutions, such as the US, the UK, and the UN, if it decides to impose a military government. Many international donors who currently provide critical assistance to Nigeria and other West African nations may cease doing so. Under General Sani Abacha’s rule, Nigeria became a pariah state.

So, regardless of the rationale behind the military intervention, military rule is intrinsically bad since it establishes an oligarchic and prebendal dictatorship while subverting the nation’s constitution, people’s will, and fundamental human rights.

The military is inherently brutal, severe, capricious, and unaccountable. It’s outdated and interferes with the natural progression of things. It is therefore unthinkable to consider the atavistic return of military power to West Africa in this day and age. Regaining perspective should be encouraged for those who support the return of brutal military rulers and military dictatorships in West Africa.

•Dr. Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts; drlawmefor@gmail.com; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor

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Atiku’s ADC Campaign Council Faults Tinubu’s 90-Day Relief Plan, Calls It ‘Election Bait’

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The presidential campaign council of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar under the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has criticised President Bola Tinubu’s 90-day cost-of-living relief plan, describing it as “election bait” and demanding details of how the proposed measures would ease the economic hardship facing Nigerians.

The council’s Director of Strategic Communication, Phrank Shaibu, stated this on Friday during a world press conference at the party’s secretariat, questioning the timing of the initiative and the government’s ability to deliver meaningful relief within the proposed timeframe.

Shaibu argued that with the presidential election reportedly 86 days away, the 90-day timeline would extend beyond the poll, raising concerns that Nigerians might not experience the promised benefits before deciding whether to renew the administration’s mandate.

“After three and a half years of hardship, this government is asking families to carry another promise into the polling booth and wait for relief until the votes are counted,” he said.

He urged Nigerians to judge the Tinubu administration by its economic performance and the impact of its policies on household incomes rather than promises announced ahead of the election.

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The Federal Government’s 90-day plan identifies five priority areas: food affordability, tax harmonisation, completion of key projects, removal of investment bottlenecks and household support.

However, Shaibu maintained that these issues had remained unresolved for too long, citing rising food and transportation costs, growing pressure on manufacturers and the closure of businesses.

He also criticised the government’s handling of petrol subsidy removal, arguing that adequate measures to protect vulnerable households should have accompanied the policy from the outset.

According to him, Nigerians were made to bear the immediate economic consequences of the reform while being asked to wait for its promised benefits.

“A government cannot put a 90-day deadline on hunger, the cost-of-living crisis and insecurity and call it an economic policy,” he said.

ADC Questions Tinubu’s Planned Kaduna Visit

The ADC campaign official also questioned President Tinubu’s planned visit to Kaduna State to launch his re-election campaign, citing concerns over insecurity, civilian casualties from military airstrikes, abductions and natural disasters in the state.

He recalled the December 3, 2023, military drone strike on civilians attending a Maulud celebration in Tudun Biri, which killed at least 85 people.

He also referenced a reported military airstrike in Giwa in September 2024 that allegedly killed at least 24 civilians, as well as reported kidnappings in Kachia in September 2025 and the impact of storms and flooding on communities across the state.

Shaibu challenged the President to explain what his administration had done to support victims of the incidents and what concrete measures had been introduced to protect residents from abductions and other security threats.

Demands Transparency Over NNPC Fuel Discount

Shaibu also questioned the effectiveness of a fuel discount promotion reportedly introduced by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC) on October 1.

He claimed that he visited NNPC retail outlets but was told that no discount was available, adding that he subsequently purchased petrol at ₦1,405 per litre.

He challenged the company to publish comprehensive details of the promotion, including the number of motorists who benefited, the participating stations and the volume of petrol sold at discounted prices.

The ADC official further questioned the reach of a reported ₦66-per-litre discount, arguing that the impact of the initiative needed to be assessed against the number of NNPC retail outlets and the country’s wider fuel retail network.

Demands Details of Five-Point Relief Plan

On food affordability, Shaibu asked the government to explain which production and distribution costs would be reduced for farmers, transporters and traders, when consumers should expect lower market prices and how the reductions would be sustained beyond the 90-day period.

He also demanded the publication of the proposed tax harmonisation measures, a list of projects scheduled for completion within the timeframe and details of the government’s plans to remove obstacles affecting manufacturers and investors.

Regarding household support, Shaibu called for disclosure of the eligibility criteria, payment amounts, commencement dates, funding arrangements and plans for beneficiaries after the initiative expires.

He argued that without clear implementation details and measurable targets, the plan risked becoming another government announcement without demonstrable benefits for ordinary Nigerians.

Raises Concerns Over ‘Arise for Tinubu 2027’ Registration Form

Shaibu also raised concerns about a registration form circulating under the name “Arise for Tinubu 2027”, which he said requested voter identification, bank details and phone numbers.

He demanded clarification on the identity of those collecting the information, the purpose of the exercise and whether it was connected to the proposed household support programme.

He insisted that Nigerians should not be required to surrender sensitive personal information to a political organisation as a condition for accessing public relief.

He further urged the government to explain what safeguards would prevent the misuse of personal data or the diversion of public assistance for political purposes.

Atiku’s Alternative Economic Position

Shaibu said Atiku had pledged to make Nigeria more affordable through disciplined public spending, targeted household assistance, lower production and transportation costs for essential goods, and policies designed to help local manufacturers expand and create jobs.

He maintained that the success of economic policies should be measured by improvements in household purchasing power, reduced living costs and increased economic opportunities, rather than official announcements.

The ADC campaign council urged Nigerians to demand verifiable evidence that the proposed relief measures would reach intended beneficiaries, deliver measurable improvements and remain effective beyond the election period.

 

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Ebonyi Council Restricts Political Gatherings Without Prior Approval

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The Chairman of Ezza South Local Government Area in Ebonyi State, Hon. Chinedu Mkpuma, has directed political parties and groups to obtain prior approval from his office before organising political campaigns and gatherings in the area.

The directive follows a recent security breach in Amaezekwe community amid growing concerns over political violence ahead of the 2027 general elections.

In a statement made available to journalists in Abakaliki, Mkpuma expressed concern over the security situation, saying the measure was necessary to protect lives and property, maintain public order and prevent further security breaches.

While acknowledging the constitutional rights of citizens to freedom of association and peaceful assembly, the chairman insisted that all political gatherings within the local government area must receive prior approval from his office.

He warned that anyone who violates the directive would face appropriate action in accordance with the law.

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Meanwhile, the Labour Party governorship candidate, Eze Oko, has condemned the reported killings and alleged attacks on opposition parties in the state, calling on political leaders to end violence and intimidation.

Oko questioned the alleged targeting of opposition members and urged youths to resist attempts by politicians to use them as instruments of violence.

He called for a level playing field for all political parties and candidates, insisting that political competition should be based on ideas, manifestos and records of performance rather than violence.

The Labour Party candidate also cautioned political leaders against making inflammatory statements capable of escalating tensions during the electioneering period.

He urged candidates seeking re-election to allow their achievements to speak for them rather than allegedly engaging political thugs to intimidate opponents.

Oko further appealed to youths to reject political thuggery and violence, while extending his condolences to the families of those reportedly killed in the incident.

The development comes as political activities gather momentum ahead of the 2027 general elections, amid renewed calls for security agencies to investigate reported attacks and ensure that all political parties can operate without intimidation.

The directive applies specifically to Ezza South Local Government Area. The information available does not establish that the Ebonyi State Government has imposed a statewide ban on political campaigns and gatherings.

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2027: Atiku, Obi, Duke, Others in Talks on Single Opposition Candidate – Coalition

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Opposition leaders under the G-100 coalition have said discussions among major presidential hopefuls on the emergence of a consensus candidate to challenge President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 general election are progressing steadily.

The coalition said leading opposition candidates had begun engaging one another on possible cooperation ahead of the polls, expressing optimism that a common candidate would emerge from the ongoing negotiations.

The group disclosed this in Abuja on Thursday during the inauguration of its legal and media committees, established to provide the necessary framework for inter-party negotiations and collaboration.

The parties participating in the initiative are the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), Social Democratic Party (SDP), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Allied Peoples Movement (APM).

Among the presidential hopefuls being considered are former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar of the ADC, Peter Obi of the NDC, Donald Duke of the PRP and Adewale Adebayo of the SDP.

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National chairmen of the participating parties and other representatives attended the meeting.

Speaking at the event, SDP National Chairman, Prof. Sadiq Umar Abubakar Gombe, who inaugurated the committees, said the coalition was putting in place the structures required to facilitate negotiations and cooperation among the parties.

He disclosed that party leaders had been engaging presidential aspirants, adding that the candidates themselves had also commenced discussions on possible collaboration before the end of the year.

“Our ambition is to present a candidate that can defeat APC and form the next government. And we’re making very good progress,” Gombe said.

He described the feedback from the participating parties and presidential hopefuls as encouraging, expressing confidence that outstanding issues would be resolved before the 2027 general election.

Although the coalition has yet to disclose the formula for selecting its preferred candidate, Gombe said it was moving beyond political declarations to establish a structured process for achieving its objective.

“Today, we take a deliberate step from intention to structure. The work of this coalition will be judged not only by the strength of our convictions, but by the discipline, precision and unity with which we carry it out,” he said.

Legal Committee to Address Electoral and Constitutional Issues

Gombe described the legal committee as a critical component of the coalition’s efforts to establish a workable and legally sound framework for cooperation.

The committee, comprising national legal advisers of the participating parties and other senior legal representatives, is expected to review outstanding legal disputes involving the parties, examine the actions of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in relation to relevant Supreme Court judgments and advise the coalition on available legal options.

It will also scrutinise working-group documents and negotiated agreements, identify potential legal risks, recommend safeguards and establish mechanisms for resolving disputes before any coalition agreement is adopted.

Gombe warned that overlooking critical legal provisions could jeopardise the entire process.

“We cannot afford surprises. A single overlooked clause can undo months of honest negotiation,” he said, urging members to demonstrate diligence, transparency and independent judgment.

Media Committee to Coordinate Coalition’s Messaging

The media and publicity committee, comprising national publicity secretaries and spokespersons of the presidential campaign councils of the participating parties, will coordinate the coalition’s public communication strategy.

Its responsibilities include harmonising public statements, coordinating media engagements and announcements, and ensuring consistency in the coalition’s positions.

The committee is also expected to establish procedures for authorising joint statements and consult the legal committee on sensitive constitutional and legal issues.

Gombe urged members of both committees to operate within their respective mandates, coordinate their activities and submit regular reports to the coalition’s leadership.

Coalition Cites Economic Hardship, Insecurity

The SDP chairman said the coalition was responding to the need for credible political alternatives amid the country’s economic and security challenges.

He noted that insecurity, rising living costs, unemployment and declining purchasing power continued to affect Nigerians, adding that the performance of the Tinubu administration should be assessed against its record and policy outcomes.

According to him, persistent policy failures, declining public confidence, institutional weaknesses and inadequate accountability could become entrenched if the concerns of citizens were not adequately addressed.

“Any decision concerning the continuation of the present administration under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must be assessed against its record, its policy outcomes, and its capacity to address the country’s pressing problems,” he said.

Gombe maintained that no administration was above public scrutiny, stressing that political office should be regarded as a responsibility entrusted by the electorate rather than an entitlement.

He said the opposition was committed to presenting credible alternatives, defending constitutional democracy and ensuring that political debates remained peaceful, informed and focused on the national interest.

“The strength of this coalition will not be measured by the number of parties represented here, but by our unity of purpose, discipline, credibility, and commitment to the Nigerian people,” he said.

He urged the participating parties to place national interest above personal ambitions and partisan differences, warning that the coalition’s success would depend on their ability to work together towards a common objective.

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