
Politics
Why push for military rule in West Africa should be resisted, By Law Mefor
Notwithstanding the atrocities it has brought to the African nations where the military had ruled, there is still a tacit push in the West African sub-region for the return of military dictatorship. In the last couple of years, seven African countries have witnessed full military takeover, mostly in West Africa. A counter-coordinated movement is needed to upend those who are pushing for the return of military dictatorships to West Africa and to defend, uphold, and strengthen democracy in the sub-region.
The countries of West Africa cannot afford to go back to the abhorrent past that the various military regimes brought upon the sub-continent. English historian John Emerich Edward Dahlberg Acton noted that one essential aspect of human nature is that “power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely”. No man is therefore good enough to be entrusted with the destiny of a nation and its citizens.
In West Africa, military control has had terrible and devastating effects. The military used propaganda and public sympathy to enslave the populace and jeopardise the potential for planned and equitable national development, causing the sub-region to deteriorate with stunted growth.
This pattern and the negative effects of military rule in West Africa were more clearly demonstrated by the example of Nigeria. If the Nigerian military had not interrupted democracy in 1966 and replaced it with its ways, one can only imagine where Nigeria would have ended up by the year 2000.
A look at the economy of the Eastern region will serve as an example. In 1964, Eastern Nigeria’s regional economy was recognised by the World Bank as the fastest-growing globally. Currently comprising the five states of the South East and four of the six states of the South-South, Eastern Nigeria was named according to this evaluation as growing at over 9% per annum. Based on the fact that Nigeria was the world’s leading producer and exporter of palm kernel and oil in 1964, the assessment was conducted. Eastern Nigeria provided more than 90% of the palm kernel and oil produced in Nigeria. The largest cassava producer in the world was Nigeria. Nigeria’s Eastern region produced more than 60% of the country’s cassava then.

Eastern Nigerian garri, yam, and palm oil were being sold in South Africa, the United States, and Great Britain by 1964. After coal mining reached a commercial level of output, coal exports from Nigeria began to bring in money for Eastern Nigeria. The Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation (ENDC), which produced premium garri, rice, vegetable oil, fresh eggs, frozen fish, frozen chicken, frozen beef, frozen pork, and pork sausages for both domestic and export markets, was Eastern Nigeria’s second-largest employer of labour by 1964, behind the federal government.
Both the Northern and western regions grew exponentially also at the same time. Before certain European nations, the Western region established a television station under the clever and imaginative leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Under Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Northern region’s agricultural superiority was clear.
Democracy was curtailed by a careless military misadventure under the command of Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. Many African nations experienced military takeovers in the 1960s, including Nigeria, which saw two military coups in 1966 alone.
One reaction to the collapse of governmental stability and pervasive corruption was the military takeover. But when corruption in Nigeria is compared between military rule and democratic rule, it becomes clear that the military was the one that institutionalised corruption here. This is sufficiently demonstrated by the never-ending loot of Sani Abacha.
Corruption infiltrated most government institutions during the military period and remains pervasive throughout Nigeria because the military regime discarded due process and the rule of law. The military established a culture of impunity and large-scale theft of public funds, thus making entrenched corruption Nigeria’s greatest enemy.
Between 1966 and 1999, when Nigeria was ruled by the military, the nation’s economy was severely damaged and disrupted, and the best public service in Africa was completely decimated. The military revoked Nigeria’s federalism and implemented many unitary constitutions each time they reluctantly relinquished power. The States’ capacity to prosper economically was taken away by these unitary constitutions, unlike it was when there were regions in Nigeria during the First Republic.
Under military rule, Nigeria’s social and cultural life withered, and the country’s once-world-class educational system was devastated. After the military took over the country’s administration, corruption, theft, and injustice became widespread in Nigerian society.
Since human life is the most valuable resource in the world, any system that endangers or ignores it should be abolished since it is wrong and harmful. The advantages of democratic governance over military dictatorship are summed up in the fact that when the military takes over, civilians are dehumanised and depersonalised in the guise of maintaining law and order. Derogatorily calling citizens “Bloody civilians,” the military abhors civilian counterparts and will never treat them as equals. Why, therefore, do the same people who have been victims of military rule demand the return of such brutal military rulers who will never treat them like human beings? It is strange.
In actuality, the military poses as the country’s order keepers while purposefully violating fundamental liberties and rights. Armed military men mercilessly suppress and oppress civilians and deny them any freedom, including the right to live, and cause them to suffer immeasurably as a result.
All educated minds concur that military regimes are to blame for the disintegration and breakdown of public institutions such as educational systems, in addition to the institutionalisation of nepotism, impunity, corruption, and massive public money theft.
The consolidation of power in the hands of one individual has always been harmful throughout human history; the Nigerian example is scarcely exceptional in this regard. No human being is deserving of absolute power over a state, the rights of its citizens, or their lives.
The three branches of government in modern democracies are the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, each of which is led by a separate individual or persons and functions as a check on the other. Without a doubt, the concentration of power under one military ruler has always resulted in horrific incidents, abuses of power beyond the letter of their laws, and violations of human rights through the use of force and state terror.
Although this is not true in practice, the military is perceived as a champion of unity. Military rulers have often made decisions that eroded the nation’s cohesion and unity, and many of these decisions have irreversible terrible consequences. The dominance of Nigeria by the North was an imposition of the various military regimes led by Northern military officers.
Contrary to the military government, democracy maintains that power belongs to the people, not to a single man or group. In a democracy, the people make constitutions, which lay the foundation for contemporary civilised coexistence and serve as the guiding principle for national life. Whereas the country is subject to the whims and avarice of a single man acting as God when a military dictator issues decrees that the entire nation and her population must abide by.
Again in contrast to democracy, which is based on separation of powers and the rule of law, military power is possessed by a single individual. Consequently, under military rule, national development is erratic and skewed towards the dictates of the military ruler. For instance, some of the States’ and Local Governments’ creations and choices of their capitals were predicated on the private demands of wives and friends, not on overriding national interest.
It is impossible to demand accountability in a military setting, unlike in a democracy. The military clique is unaccountable, and anyone who dares to question their behaviour often faces threats to life or exile.
The Nigerian constitution assigns the media the duty of holding the government accountable to the people. Press freedom, on the other hand, is viewed as dangerous when the military is in government, and every effort is made to stifle the media and constrict public space—often violently. Any real attempts by the media to point out the government’s inadequacies on significant subjects are suppressed. When a military dictatorship is in place, journalists who criticise it frequently risk physical violence, imprisonment, and kidnapping. A few even lost their lives and the survivors live in permanent fear and terror. Muhammadu Buhari’s draconian military rule jailed many journalists and promulgated decrees with retrogressive effect under which many were tried and executed for offenses they committed before such decrees were promulgated.
A country runs the risk of severing ties with several other countries and international institutions, such as the US, the UK, and the UN, if it decides to impose a military government. Many international donors who currently provide critical assistance to Nigeria and other West African nations may cease doing so. Under General Sani Abacha’s rule, Nigeria became a pariah state.
So, regardless of the rationale behind the military intervention, military rule is intrinsically bad since it establishes an oligarchic and prebendal dictatorship while subverting the nation’s constitution, people’s will, and fundamental human rights.
The military is inherently brutal, severe, capricious, and unaccountable. It’s outdated and interferes with the natural progression of things. It is therefore unthinkable to consider the atavistic return of military power to West Africa in this day and age. Regaining perspective should be encouraged for those who support the return of brutal military rulers and military dictatorships in West Africa.
•Dr. Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts; drlawmefor@gmail.com; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor
Politics
Tinubu, APC governors move to resolve campaign list crisis
President Bola Tinubu on Thursday held closed door talks with governors elected on the platform of the All Progressives Congress, otherwise known as the Progressives Governors‘ Forum, at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, Abuja.
Thursday’s meeting is the latest in a back-to-back series of engagements with governors and top chieftains of the party at Aso Rock to resolve the crisis trailing the controversial Presidential Campaign Council list released by the party last Saturday, August 23, 2026.
The governors marched to the President’s office shortly before 4:00pm on Thursday, after emerging from a separate session of the National Economic Council chaired by Vice President Kashim Shettima.
The consultations, which began since Wednesday, were aimed at reviewing and reworking the PCC list which has continued to generate controversy since its release.
The ruling party had faced severe backlash over the inclusion of some controversial party chieftains, particularly those currently facing corruption charges.

It was also alleged that some key sections of the party were not carried along in the drafting of the PCC list.
Multiple party sources, who spoke with The PUNCH on Thursday, said the meeting, which initially held from around 4pm to 11pm on Wednesday, could not be concluded.
Consequently, the meeting continued on Thursday after the regular NEC meeting.
As of press time on Thursday, The PUNCH could not confirm the extent of the changes made to the list.
However, sources close to the APC governors and party heavyweights said the list had been reviewed.
One of the sources said the initial list had been deleted from the party’s X handle and that a new list would be posted as soon as the President approves the deliberations at the meeting and the proposed changes.
“The list is part of the main agenda of the meeting. You can notice that the other controversial list has been deleted from the Twitter handle of the party,” a top source close to the APC governors said.
Also speaking on the list, another top party chieftain said, “Can you believe that the party was not carried along in the formation of the list? The President’s Special Adviser on Political Matters and a few persons in the Presidency came up with the list.
“You can see the backlash that has trailed it. The President is handling the matter, and it is believed that some changes will be made after the two-day meeting.”
Meanwhile, further findings by our correspondent showed that the party would double down on social intervention programmes ahead of the January 2027 poll.
It was learnt that this was part of the ruling party’s plan to reach out to Nigerians and ameliorate the suffering of the masses.
The APC had recently released the complete membership list of its 2027 Presidential Campaign Council.
As earlier reported, President Bola Tinubu will chair the council, with Vice President Kashim Shettima and APC National Chairman, Professor Nentawe Yilwatda, serving as vice chairmen I and II respectively. Senator Abdulaziz Yari was named Director-General, while Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodimma, will serve as Secretary.
The expanded list, numbering 223 entries, adds directorates covering finance, extractive industries, education, manufacturing and MSMEs, support group coordination, faith-based mobilisation, protocol, labour union relations, special duties, stakeholders’ mobilisation, community support, digital operations, grassroots engagement, and welfare.
Following series of controversies that trailed the list, the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communication, Sunday Dare, said later that adjustments would made to the list where necessary.
Dare said the list remained valid because the campaign structure was not yet complete, with several subcommittees still to be constituted.
“As it is with every other list, there’s a room for subcommittees. Those subcommittees have not been formed, and so many other names will come into that subcommittee,” he said.
Dare also referred to a statement issued by the APC, insisting that the party had not withdrawn the list.
“But of course, there will be adjustments. The list is not cast in stone, just like every other list,” he added.
Asked whether the expected changes amounted to a review of the council, Dare drew a distinction between the two terms, saying the changes would only be made where necessary.
“Not a review, just adjustments where necessary,” he said.
Explaining the distinction, Dare said a review would amount to a broader overhaul of the existing structure.
“Review is wholesale, this is not wholesale,” Dare said.
He added that the planned subcommittees would provide room for more party members and political stakeholders to be accommodated within the campaign structure. (PUNCH)
Politics
Nigeria must move from consumption to production, Peter Obi unveils vision
Presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peter Obi, has said Nigeria must move from an economy driven by consumption and imports to one built around production, investment and job creation.
Obi made the declaration on Friday while outlining his economic agenda for the 2027 presidential election, saying the country had the resources, population and entrepreneurial capacity required to build a more productive economy.
He said the key question for any government should be whether Nigerians were actually becoming better off.
“Are Nigerians better off than they were four years ago? Can they afford food, education, and healthcare? Can businesses produce, expand, and create jobs?” Obi asked.
He said his administration, if elected, would place agriculture, manufacturing, agro-processing, technology, construction, energy, creative industries and services at the centre of economic development.

According to him, Nigeria must “produce more of what we consume, process more of what we produce, and compete more effectively in global markets.”
Obi said his economic plan would include improving agricultural productivity through better security for farming communities, irrigation, rural roads, storage facilities, finance and market access.
He also promised to strengthen manufacturing and agro-processing to enable Nigeria to export more finished products and derive greater value from its natural resources.
The former Anambra State governor said government must also create conditions that allow entrepreneurs to invest, employ workers and expand without unnecessary regulatory and infrastructure barriers.
He stressed that public finances would be managed with greater discipline, insisting that government spending must have clear purposes and measurable results.
“Every naira should have a clear purpose, and major public investments should have measurable outcomes,” he said.
Obi also identified Nigeria’s large and growing young population as an economic opportunity rather than a burden, saying government must invest in education, technical training and human capital to enable young Nigerians to contribute productively to the economy.
He said the country’s economic objective should not simply be growth in statistical terms, but an economy capable of producing more, creating jobs, generating wealth and improving living standards.
“The goal is not growth for its own sake, but an economy that produces more, employs more people, creates wealth, and improves living standards,” he said.
Obi, who is campaigning alongside former Kano State governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, said their different governing experiences had led them to a common conclusion that Nigeria must invest in its people and manage public resources responsibly.
He urged voters to examine the records and proposals of all presidential candidates as the 2027 campaign progresses.
News
FULL SPEECH: Peter Obi launches 2027 Campaign
MY ADDRESS TO MARK THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE 2027 PRESIDENTIAL AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY CAMPAIGNS
21 August 2026
Dear Compatriots,
Members of the Press,
Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,
Wednesday, 19 August 2026, marked the official start of the campaign period for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections.

There is no doubt that this is a defining moment for our democracy. This moment gives Nigerians the opportunity to assess the records, ideas, and plans of those seeking their mandate to lead their country at a time of grave uncertainty in our rapidly changing world.
I consider myself quite privileged to be one of those seeking your mandate to deal with these challenges facing our country.
I enter this contest with one firm conviction: Nigeria can work, and Nigeria must work.
Nigeria faces several serious challenges. Some of them are indeed of existential proportions.
According to the IMF, 63%, or over 140 million Nigerians, live at or below the national poverty line, while humanitarian agencies estimate that 35 million people will need food assistance during the 2026 lean season. About 3.6 million Nigerians remain internally displaced, largely because of conflict and insecurity. Each year, millions of young people enter the labour market, yet too many struggle to find productive opportunities. Weak infrastructure, unreliable power, insecurity, and the excessive cost of doing business continue to burden households and constrain enterprise.
These are more than statistics. They reflect the daily realities of Nigerian families, farmers, workers, students, and businesses.
Yet I do not believe Nigeria lacks the ability to overcome these challenges. We have the people, resources, market, talent, and enterprise. What we must do now is turn these strengths into security, productivity, and shared prosperity.
LEADERSHIP MUST DELIVER RESULTS
My successful private-sector experience, studies in institutions of repute on policy and business matters, and my service as Governor of Anambra State have shaped my understanding of public leadership. Government must manage resources responsibly, set clear priorities, and measure the outcomes of its decisions. Public office is not a reward; it is a responsibility to the people.
In Anambra, I prioritised the foundations of long-term development: education, healthcare, infrastructure, fiscal discipline, and institutional capacity. I do not present that record as perfect, but as an experience from which Nigerians can draw their own conclusions.
Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso brings a different but complementary governing experience.
As Governor of Kano State, he focused strongly on education, technical training, scholarships, infrastructure, and human-capital development. His administration’s investments in education and skills showed an understanding that the people are a state’s most important long-term resource.
Our experiences are different, but our conclusion is the same: Nigeria must invest in its people and manage public resources with discipline.
BUILDING AN ECONOMY THAT WORKS
Nigeria needs more than reactive reforms. We must focus on the questions that matter:
Are Nigerians better off than they were four years ago? Can they afford food, education, and healthcare? Can businesses produce, expand, and create jobs? Can young people find productive work? Can farmers work safely and get their produce to market?
These are the measures that matter.
With your mandate, our economic agenda will put production, investment, enterprise, and human capital at the centre of how we lead.
We will raise agricultural productivity by securing farming communities, expanding irrigation, improving rural roads and storage, and linking farmers to finance and markets. We will also strengthen manufacturing and agro-processing so Nigeria can export more finished goods and capture greater value from its resources.
We will create a business environment where entrepreneurs can invest, hire, and grow without unnecessary regulatory or infrastructure barriers.
And we will manage public finances responsibly. Every naira should have a clear purpose, and major public investments should have measurable outcomes.
The goal is not growth for its own sake, but an economy that produces more, employs more people, creates wealth, and improves living standards.
SECURITY IS THE FOUNDATION
No nation can prosper when its people cannot live, farm, travel, or do business safely. Insecurity has displaced millions of Nigerians and continues to disrupt agriculture, education, trade, and investment. Our response must therefore be comprehensive.
We must improve intelligence gathering and coordination among security agencies, strengthen policing and border management, and make better use of technology. We must also support lawful community-based systems that identify threats early and enable effective responses.
The imperative of decentralising security management, but with strong systems of coordination between the levels, is critical to our plans.
Security policy must also address the conditions that make vulnerable young people susceptible to criminal recruitment. Farmers cannot produce food if they cannot reach their farms safely. Children lose the chance to learn when they cannot attend school safely. Businesses cannot create jobs when they cannot move goods securely.
FROM CONSUMPTION TO PRODUCTION
Nigeria, with a population now above two hundred million and projected to continue growing rapidly, has one of Africa’s largest domestic markets and labour forces. That is an opportunity we must seize to turn the future of our country around.
Nigeria cannot import its way to prosperity. We will produce more of what we consume, process more of what we produce, and compete more effectively in global markets.
We will deploy our experiences in public funds management, the private sector, and the civil service to turn our population into productive human capital, our natural resources into value-added industries, and our domestic market into an engine for investment and enterprise.
Agriculture, manufacturing, technology, construction, energy, creative industries, and services all have important roles to play. Nigeria does not lack opportunities; what it needs are the systems that enable its people to turn those opportunities into prosperity.
OUR YOUNG PEOPLE ARE OUR GREATEST ASSET
I reject the idea that Nigeria’s young population represents a burden. It represents an enormous opportunity, but only if we prepare young Nigerians to participate productively in the economy.
We will improve basic education, strengthen universities, and expand technical and vocational training. Nigeria needs doctors, engineers, scientists, and lawyers, as well as technicians, mechanics, builders, nurses, farmers, programmers, manufacturers, artisans, and entrepreneurs. Our goal is to secure a high demographic dividend from our youth bulge.
HEALTH IS HUMAN CAPITAL
A productive economy requires a healthy population, yet Nigeria’s health indicators remain deeply concerning. According to available data, Nigeria’s primary healthcare system is very poor, with infant and maternal mortality among the worst globally. We will strengthen healthcare, improve maternal and child health, expand access to essential medicines, and equip healthcare workers to serve effectively.
EVERY REGION MUST BECOME PRODUCTIVE AND PROSPER
Nigeria’s diversity is an economic strength. Each region has distinct assets, and national policy must unlock those assets while connecting them to one productive economy.
The North-West can expand agriculture, livestock, irrigation, agro-processing, and manufacturing while strengthening education and security.
The North-East can speed up reconstruction, restore livelihoods, and expand agriculture, education, enterprise, and regional trade.
The North-Central can strengthen food production and processing while developing its mineral resources responsibly.
The South-West can build on its strengths in manufacturing, technology, finance, trade, and the creative economy.
The South-East can expand its entrepreneurial and industrial strength through better infrastructure, stronger connectivity, and greater access to investment.
The South-South can derive greater value from oil and gas while expanding maritime services, fisheries, agriculture, and other productive sectors, supported by stronger environmental protection.
The Federal Capital Territory must demonstrate what efficient urban planning, transportation, housing, sanitation, security, and public services can achieve.
Every region must produce. Every region must contribute. Every region must benefit.
A DIFFERENT STANDARD OF GOVERNANCE
Sustainable development requires more than reactive reform. Reform is not the goal; better lives are. The World Bank’s April 2026 Nigeria Development Update makes clear that Nigeria’s challenge is to turn economic reform and stabilisation into improved livelihoods, stronger human capital, wider opportunities, and inclusive growth. We will pursue practical reforms that deliver lasting results, combining fiscal discipline with productive investment, as Senator Kwankwaso and I have demonstrated.
We will cut wasteful spending while protecting investments that create jobs and expand productive capacity. We will raise public revenue without stifling businesses and invest in education, healthcare, security, and infrastructure because they are foundations for future prosperity, not costs to defer. We will also build institutions that endure beyond any single administration. That is the standard by which every government should be judged.
Fellow Nigerians,
The campaign period gives every citizen an opportunity to join the national conversation. I urge Nigerians to examine each candidate’s record and proposals, ask tough questions, and demand evidence behind every promise.
We should debate ideas without hatred, compete without violence, and disagree without weakening the bonds that unite us. When Nigerians make their choice, that choice must be respected.
Democracy does not end on election day. Citizens must continue to demand transparency, accountability, and results from those entrusted with the mandate to govern.
Nigeria’s challenges are real, but so are its opportunities. We have the people, resources, enterprise, and creativity to build a safer, more productive country. Our task is to turn these possibilities into results. We have the credentials, experience, and record to collaborate with Nigerians on this transformative journey.
Our journey will be harder if we do not unite as one people and one nation. A united Nigeria, guided by shared purpose and a commitment to fairness, justice, and equity, will make transformation easier, strengthen our institutions, and help us hold our leaders accountable.
Finally, the 2027 election must be guided by capacity, competence, compassion, character, and commitment. Our campaign will focus on the urgent concerns of Nigerians and not on ethnicity or religion. Nigerians must reject and disregard any campaign driven by propaganda, ethnicity, religion, elitism, or cronyism.
As my team and I travel across the country, we will listen to Nigerians, understand their needs and concerns, and assure them that we have the competence, character, and compassion to lead and reset Nigeria for the benefit of all.
Nigerians deserve leaders who will engage them, listen to their concerns, and present clear solutions to unite the country, defeat insecurity, pull people out of poverty, drastically reduce hunger and the number of out-of-school children, improve education and healthcare, and build growth that serves everyone, especially the most vulnerable. Every candidate must be willing to present their credentials, defend their records, and subject their vision to open scrutiny.
No candidate should hide behind the high walls of power, send proxies or surrogates to the hustings, and expect Nigerians to entrust them with the leadership of the country. Every candidate seeking the presidency must have the courage to come before the people, answer their questions, defend their records, and subject their vision to public scrutiny.
True leadership requires presence and empathy. No one can lead from the front without standing with communities across Nigeria devastated by banditry, criminality, terrorism, and flooding. You cannot truly lead people you are unwilling to visit, listen to, and understand.
Today, I make this clear commitment: my running mate and I will take our message directly to Nigerians. We will listen to them, understand their concerns, and engage them openly. We will not delegate this duty to proxies. We will answer questions, defend our record and character, and present our plan to rebuild Nigeria. Any presidential candidate who lacks the resolve to travel across the country, meet the people, and respond to their questions lacks the capacity to govern it.
I commit to commencing the journey of resetting Nigeria by uniting it, securing it on the path of economic and inclusive growth, and moving our country from consumption to production.
A New Nigeria is possible.
God Almighty bless Nigeria. -PO
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