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Ibaji and the Politics of the Perpetual Road Promise
By Tony Edike
How successive governments have repeatedly promised to open up Kogi’s agricultural powerhouse — and why residents are tired of waiting
For decades, the people of Ibaji Local Government Area of Kogi State have watched politicians arrive with promises of development, particularly the construction of the roads that would finally connect their isolated communities to the rest of Nigeria.
Then the elections come.
Campaigns are held. Political leaders visit. Road projects are announced or flagged off. Contracts are mentioned. Hope rises among the people.
And, according to residents and repeated reports about abandoned projects, the construction often disappears from the political radar once the election is over.
For Ibaji, this has become more than a problem of bad roads. It has become a question of political accountability.
The most enduring symbol of this frustration is the long-promised Otuocha–Ibaji–Idah road corridor, which residents believe could fundamentally transform the local government by opening it to commerce, investment, agriculture and social development.
A food basket trapped behind bad roads
Ibaji occupies a strategically important position along the River Niger and has enormous agricultural potential.
The local government is known for farming and fishing, producing crops including rice, yam and cassava. Yet the same geographical and agricultural advantages that could make Ibaji a major economic hub have been undermined by inadequate transportation infrastructure.
The contradiction is stark: a community capable of contributing significantly to Nigeria’s food supply continues to struggle with the basic infrastructure required to move its agricultural products to markets.
Poor roads increase transportation costs, discourage investment and make it more difficult for farmers to get their produce to consumers.
During the rainy and flooding seasons, the problem becomes even more severe.
Reports have documented the extent to which flooding and damaged roads have isolated communities in Ibaji, with residents sometimes relying on bicycles, motorcycles and waterways where roads become impassable.
For a predominantly agrarian community, this is not simply an inconvenience.
It is an economic handicap.
The promise that keeps returning
The history of the Otuocha–Ibaji–Idah corridor illustrates the frustration.
In 2009, the Federal Government reportedly awarded the approximately 90-kilometre Otuocha–Ibaji–Idah road to Nigercat Nigeria Limited for about N7.2 billion, with reports putting the mobilisation payment at about N2.5 billion.
Yet the project subsequently stalled.
Years later, the road remained a subject of complaints by Ibaji residents and community groups.
The road was still being discussed when another promise came from the Kogi State Government.
Yahaya Bello’s 2017 flag-off
In April 2017, then Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello visited Ibaji and flagged off the construction of the 40-kilometre Idah–Onyedega road.
The contract was reported to be worth more than N5 billion.
At the ceremony, Bello said the road would be asphalt-overlaid and that its completion would boost the economy of the area.
The message was significant because even the then Deputy Governor, Simon Achuba, an indigene of Ibaji, acknowledged that the local government had long been neglected and that roads were its major problem.
The state’s Works Commissioner at the time described Ibaji as the state’s “Food Basket” and said the lack of roads was an impediment to its development.
The people had every reason to hope.
But according to subsequent reports, the promise did not translate into the completed road residents were expecting.
By 2021, a report on the project stated that work had still not commenced and described the road as practically impassable. The report recalled that Bello had promised that the construction would take 24 months.
In 2023, a motion before the House of Representatives also raised concerns about the condition and neglect of the road, stating that since the flag-off of its rehabilitation, no work had commenced.
The election-cycle question
This is where the political frustration in Ibaji becomes difficult to ignore.
Residents have seen one administration after another return to the same fundamental problem: the road.
The criticism from the community is not that politicians should not promise infrastructure.
It is that promises should be followed by construction.
For a community that has heard road promises repeatedly, the real measure of government commitment is not another flag-off ceremony, another speech or another campaign visit.
It is asphalt on the ground.
Then came another governor
After Yahaya Bello’s tenure, his successor, Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo, also visited Ibaji.
In July 2026, Ododo met with traditional rulers, community leaders, women, youths and other stakeholders in the local government and announced that the design for a proposed Ibaji Road Project had been completed and was available for public review before construction.
The Federal Ministry of Information described the proposed road as a strategic intervention that could improve access to markets, schools and healthcare while unlocking Ibaji’s economic and agricultural potential.
The announcement was naturally welcomed.
But it also raises an unavoidable question:
How many more times will Ibaji hear that its road is about to be constructed?
Because for residents who remember previous promises, the existence of a design is not the same thing as the existence of a completed road.
And now, the Federal Government
Just as the controversy surrounding the road continues, another major development emerged in July 2026.
Anambra State Governor Chukwuma Soludo announced that President Bola Tinubu had approved the Otuocha–Anam–Abaji road for design and procurement, alongside another major South-East highway project.
The Federal Government’s announcement describes the Otuocha–Anam–Abaji corridor as approximately 108 kilometres and says it will link Anambra with Kogi and North-Central Nigeria.
Kogi-based reports subsequently described the project as the Otuocha–Nzam–Ibaji Road and connected it to the long-standing demand for the Otuocha–Ibaji–Idah corridor.
The development has understandably generated excitement.
After all, this is precisely the type of regional infrastructure Ibaji residents have been demanding for years . This is similar to the age long clamor for the provision of electricity in the local government, which has remained in the dark since its creation. The entire people of Ibaji have not enjoyed public power supply for decades yet the area has remained a vote-hunting hub for politicians in all elections.
This has also raises a question that government officials should answer clearly:
Is this move by Ododo finally the road Ibaji has been waiting for — or will it become another announcement that disappears after the political season?
That question is not an accusation of wrongdoing against any individual.
It is a legitimate question arising from the history of abandoned and repeatedly announced road projects in the area.
The Hope Uzodinma connection
The announcement has also attracted attention in the wider South-East, including from political leaders in neighbouring states.
The involvement of Anambra and Imo in the wider regional road agenda is significant because the Otuocha corridor is not merely an Ibaji road.
It has the potential to connect agricultural communities in Anambra and Kogi and strengthen commercial links between the South-East, North-Central and South-South regions.
That is precisely why the project deserves to be treated as an economic corridor rather than merely another local political promise.
Can Ibaji afford another disappointment?
For the people of Ibaji, the issue is bigger than party politics.
The community wants a road.
A real road.
An asphalted, durable and properly engineered road capable of remaining accessible during the rainy season and capable of carrying agricultural produce, commercial vehicles and passengers.
They want the road to connect farmers to markets.
They want businesses to be able to come into Ibaji.
They want easier access to hospitals and schools.
They want young people to have opportunities beyond leaving or dumping their communities because of infrastructural isolation.
They want their agricultural wealth to become economic wealth.
And they want the government to understand that a road can change the destiny of an entire local government.
The politics of promises
The suspicion among some Ibaji residents that politicians remember the road mainly during election seasons is therefore understandable in the context of the project’s long history.
But suspicion is not proof.
If politicians want to demonstrate that the latest promise is different, the answer is straightforward: publish the documents and build the road.
Let the public know the contract sum.
Let the contractor be identified.
Let the scope of work be published.
Let the commencement date be known.
Let the completion date be known.
Let payments and milestones be transparently accounted for.
And, most importantly, let the people see continuous construction activity on the ground.
That is how another campaign promise becomes a development project.
Ibaji is asking for development, not political rhetoric
The people of Ibaji have waited long enough.
They have watched governments come and go.
They have listened to flag-off speeches.
They have heard promises of economic transformation.
They have watched projects stall.
They have endured roads that become almost impassable during the rainy season.
Yet the potential of Ibaji remains enormous.
With adequate infrastructure, the local government could become an important agricultural and commercial corridor between Kogi and the South-East.
The River Niger should be an economic advantage.
Its fertile agricultural land should be an economic advantage.
Its proximity to Anambra and other markets should be an economic advantage.
But without roads, those advantages remain severely constrained.
Enough of promises — let the road be built
The latest federal approval may provide a new opportunity.
But Ibaji residents have heard enough promises to know that approval alone is not the destination.
Design of the road is not construction.
Construction is not completion.
And a flag-off is not a road.
What the people are asking for is simple: an asphalted road that will finally open Ibaji to commerce, investment, agriculture, education, healthcare and the wider Nigerian economy.
They do not want another road project to become an election slogan.
They want to see the bulldozers arrive.
They want to see the earthworks completed.
They want to see bridges and drainage structures constructed.
They want to see asphalt laid.
And they want to drive on a completed road.
For a local government described by its own political leaders as a food basket, the continued infrastructural isolation is a contradiction that can no longer be ignored.
Ibaji does not need another promise. Ibaji needs a road.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu should please note that there is a place known as Ibaji bordered by four states of Enugu, Anambra, Delta and Edo (across the River Niger). And this local government is being administered by the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.
Ibaji people have strongly supported his government and they deserve the attention of his government.
I have taken some time to research on the loan descriptions as released by the Anambra State Government which they claim PO (Peter Obi) as Governor signed off and my findings are as follows:
1. The Nigeria Malaria Control Booster Project (MCBP) 2007:
This was financed through a US$180 million IDA credit from the World Bank to the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not a loan independently taken by the Anambra State Government. The World Bank records say the original IDA credit was approved in December 2006 and became effective on May 15, 2007.
Anambra was one of the seven participating states, along with Akwa Ibom, Bauchi, Gombe, Jigawa, Kano and Rivers.
VERDICT: FG was the borrower not Anambra State Government.
1. Fadama III:
This project was a World Bank/IDA-financed project for Nigeria. The World Bank’s project documentation identifies the Federal Republic of Nigeria as the borrower, not Anambra State.
The original Fadama III project was approved in 2008. The World Bank records the project period as 2008–2013 and the original IDA financing as US$250 million.
Anambra was one of the states participating in the project. World Bank records specifically identify an Anambra State Fadama III Project, financed through IDA Credit No. 45960.
Therefore, describing the Anambra Fadama III programme simply as “a loan taken by Anambra State Government in 2007” would be misleading. The underlying World Bank borrowing was at the Federal Government level.
VERDICT: FG was the borrower not Anambra State Government
1. Health Systems Development ll (ADD FIN.)
The financial document listing Nigeria’s state-level IDA obligations records “Health Systems Development” Anambra State, with a signing date of August 22, 2003, an amount of XDR 4,831,046, and a 0.75% service charge.
The same document separately lists Health System Development Project II (Additional Financing) for Anambra, so the 2009 reference may relate to the additional financing/HSDP II, rather than the original HSDP.
Anambra-specific records confirm that Health System Development Project II was World Bank-assisted, with activities being implemented in the state.
VERDICT: It was an FG project benefiting Anambra State. The Original document was signed in 2003 and 2009 was just an additional financing of the 2003 signed document.
1. The State Education Program Investment Project (SEPIP):
It started in 2013 and included Anambra State. However, the World Bank documents identify the Federal Government of Nigeria as the borrower, not Anambra State Government. The original financing was a US$150 million IDA credit to the Federal Republic of Nigeria, with funds disbursed to Anambra, Bauchi and Ekiti through subsidiary financing agreements.
The World Bank’s financing agreement for the original SEPIP is Credit No. 5220-NG, dated April 16, 2013.
VERDICT: FG was the borrower not Anambra State.
5.The Community and Social Development Project (P090644):
This project became effective in February 2009.
The World Bank’s project completion report identifies the Federal Government of Nigeria as the borrower of the original IDA financing. The original commitment was SDR 121.5 million (US$200 million equivalent).
Anambra was just one of the participating states.
6:The Nigeria Erosion and Watershed Management Project (NEWMAP):
This project was approved by the World Bank in May 2012 and became effective in September 2013.
The original financing agreement was between the International Development Association (IDA) and the Federal Republic of Nigeria, for US$600 million.
Anambra was one of the participating states and had its own State Project Management Unit (SPMU) implementing the project.
Anambra’s project documents explicitly refer to the funds as part of the Federal Government’s IDA credit. A 2014 procurement notice says the Federal Government had received the credit.
VERDICT: FG was the borrower not Anambra State Government.
1. The Value Chain Development Programme (VCDP):
Records shows VCDP was approved by IFAD in April 2012, not 2013.
The financing agreement was between the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) and IFAD, signed in August 2012.
The programme became effective in October 2013.
The original programme covered Anambra, Benue, Ebonyi, Niger, Ogun and Taraba.
The original financing included an IFAD loan of US$74.4 million, an IFAD grant of US$0.5 million, plus counterpart contributions from the Federal Government, participating states, LGAs and beneficiaries.
IFAD’s documentation specifically describes the loan agreement as being between FGN and IFAD.
VERDICT: FG was the borrower not Anambra State Government.
OVERALL VERDICT:
All the project listed by the Soludo led Anambra State claiming that it was financed by loan independently taken by Anambra State Government under Mr. Peter Obi are 100% false and misleading. Verifiable World Bank records shows FG was indeed the borrower while Anambra State under Obi participated and benefited just like some other states.
(Credit. Mudi Mudi/World Bank Group World Bank Africa)
The academic credentials of Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), have been a subject of controversy since 2023, when he contested the presidential election on the platform of the Labour Party (LP).
Political opponents and social media critics have claimed that the university degree certificate he parades is fake.
The assertion is anchored on the argument that Mr Obi could not have been admitted to study Philosophy at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), without obtaining at least a credit in English Language and Mathematics in the West African Examinations Council (WAEC) examination.
Claims have surfaced regarding discrepancies between the name he is publicly known by and the names appearing on his UNN degree and National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) certificates.
The allegation resurfaced in June and July after Abayomi Arabambi, the national vice chairman (South-West) of the Labour Party faction led by Lamidi Apapa, appeared on News Central TV and a social media television platform, where he displayed copies of Mr Obi’s degree certificate alongside other academic records and alleged that they were not genuine.
“You and I know … that you cannot study Philosophy with a pass in English Language and Mathematics. See the thing: your brother used to enter university and you can Google it whether you can study philosophy with three credits,” he said.
He referred listeners to the University of Nigeria, Nsukka’s website, which, he said, shows that a prospective student must have five credits including English and Mathematics to be admitted for Philosophy.
“I studied Engineering; English and Mathematics are compulsory. That means he entered that school with three credits out of five required for studying philosophy,” Mr Arabambi said during the interview.
Checking the claims
To fact-check the claim, PREMIUM TIMES contacted Mr Arabambi to obtain copies of the academic credentials he referenced during the interview. He obliged and shared copies of the documents with our reporter.
The WAEC certificate referenced by the Labour Party chief shows the bearer’s name as Obi Gregory Onwubuasi.
The certificate also shows that the candidate sat the ‘Joint Examination for the School Certificate and General Certificate Examination (GCE)’ at Christ The King College, Onitsha, Anambra State in June 1978.
According to the result details on the certificate, the candidate received Grade 8, equivalent to pass, in English Language and Mathematics.
He scored Grade 7, also equivalent to a pass, in Government and Chemistry.
He scored Grade 6, equivalent to a credit, in Biology and Geography.
He scored Grade 5, equivalent to a credit, in Literature-in-English and Religious Knowledge, and
In Economics, he received Grade 3, equivalent to good.
Following this, in July, PREMIUM TIMES wrote to the UNN, invoking the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act, 2011, to confirm whether its records showed that Mr Obi was admitted to study Philosophy with the results on the school certificate.
The letter also sought to know if, with those results, Mr Obi met the minimum O’Level requirements for admission into the university’s Philosophy undergraduate programme at the time.
This newspaper also sought to know whether there were alternative admission pathways, exemptions, remedial programmes or equivalent qualifications that could have enabled a candidate to gain admission despite not having at least a credit in English Language and Mathematics.
Ultimately, the letter asked the university to confirm if Mr Obi completed his undergraduate studies and graduated, and to authenticate the degree certificate credited to him.
The WAEC certificate in question and a copy of the UNN degree certificate issued to Mr Obi were attached to the letter for ease of reference.
The findings
In the university’s reply to PREMIUM TIMES’ FOI request, the registrar’s office confirmed Mr Obi’s admission to study Philosophy and authenticated his degree certificate.
In the response dated 26 August and signed by Eseme Obiora, a senior deputy registrar, the UNN confirmed that Mr Obi was duly admitted to study Philosophy in 1980.
“Mr. Gregory Peter Onwubuasi Obi was duly admitted by the University Authority to study Philosophy in the Faculty of the Social Science on September 03, 1980, with registration number 80/26333 and reference number in his admission letter was JAMB/ICMS/80 and Serial No. 07928, signed by one M. Shehu for JAMB Registrar (Annexure B Letter dated 3rd September, 1980). Admission,” the letter read.Try Time Trackers
Authenticating the degree copy of certificate presented by PREMIUM TIMES as duly issued to Mr Obi upon completion of his undergraduate programme, the university wrote that “the Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy with Second Class Honours Lower Division dated 15th December, 1984 emanated from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka and was awarded to him by the University Senate with the Certificate No D000198.”
On the question of whether Mr Obi’s O’Level qualifications qualified him for admission at the time, UNN answered in the affirmative.
The university confirmed that Mr Obi met the O’Level requirements, adding that there were no alternative admission pathways, exemptions, remedial programmes or equivalent qualifications involved in his admission.
“The O’Level Certificate Mr. Gregory Peter Onwubuasi Obi presented fulfilled and/or met the requirement prescribed by the University Entrance Board during the time and was therefore admitted to study Philosophy.
“There were no alternative admission pathways, exemptions, remedial programmes or equivalent qualification that Mr. Gregory Peter Onwubuasi Obi took before he was admitted to study Philosophy by the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He was qualified ab initio,” it said.
The university further confirmed that Mr Obi, whose full name was given as Gregory Peter Onwubuasi Obi, was admitted to study Philosophy in the Faculty of Social Sciences on 3 September 1980.Try Time Trackers
Confirming that Mr Obi met the O’Level requirements for admission, the letter said the presidential candidate combined two WAEC results – the publicised one from the June 1978 examinations and the less known one from the November/December 1978.
“Yes, Mr. Gregory Peter Onwubuasi Obi was admitted into the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, to study Philosophy with his West African Examination Council (WAEC) date June 1978 Appendix C” result, the WAEC Number 04104138 and another Nov/Dec GCE 1978 result combined that qualified him to be admitted to study Philosophy.”
Verdict
The claim that Mr Obi is parading a fake university degree certificate is false.
The University of Nigeria, Nsukka, which issued the certificate, has authenticated it and confirmed that Mr Obi was duly admitted to study Philosophy in 1980 and subsequently awarded a Bachelor of Arts degree in Philosophy with Second Class Honours (Lower Division) in 1984.
The university also confirmed that the O’Level qualifications he presented, comprising his WAEC results from the June 1978 examinations and November/December 1978 GCE, met the admission requirements applicable at the time.
Therefore, the claim that Mr Obi’s UNN degree certificate is fake is not supported by the university’s records.
But PREMIUM TIMES has yet to ascertain the details of Mr Obi’s November/December 1978 GCE results.
The UNN registrar’s office misleadingly indicated in the letter sent to PREMIUM TIMES that copies of both results and other supporting documents were attached as annexures.
None of those documents were sent with the letter to PREMIUM TIMES as indicated. Frantic efforts to draw the attention of the Chief Registrar, Ngozi Nnebedum, and her office to the omission – urging them to resend the letter with the attached documents – have been futile.
Mrs Nnebedum and her office ignored this newspaper’s e-mails requesting the missing details. The registrar subsequently ignored PREMIUM TIMES’ repeated phone calls. When she finally answered our call on Monday, she expressed surprise that the annexures were omitted and promised to re-send them. But she neither kept the promise nor answered subsequent calls.
In the first place, it took repeated phone calls across weeks for Mrs Nnebedum to respond to the FOI request.
On Tuesday, Mr Obi welcomed public scrutiny of his academic credentials in a social media post, and urged other presidential candidates to submit themselves to such examination by interested members of the public.
…unleashes NDC Presidential Candidate’s performance record
The Peter Obi Media Office has defended the presidential ambition of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) candidate, Peter Obi, arguing that his claim to the preside’cy is based on his record ’n Anambra State and experience in business and financial management rather than political patronage.
In a statement issued yesterday, Sunday, September 13, 2026, and signed by Idris Zekeri Jnr, Peter Obi Media Office, the office said It was responding to what it described as arguments by supporters of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu that Obi was overhyped and that his popularity and political ratings were overrated.
The Media Office said Obi’s record in Anambra State provided a basis for assessing his capacity to govern at the national level, noting that he had managed a state before seeking to manage the country.
“Peter Obi managed a state before seeking to manage a nation. He served as Governor of Anambra State from 2006 to 2014, with interruptions arising from the political and legal battles surrounding his tenure. He eventually won re-election in 2010, completed his second term, and emerged as the best-performing state governor in his time,” the statement said.
According to the Media Office, one of the strongest elements of Obi’s governance record was fiscal discipline, citing what it described as substantial savings and investments accumulated during his tenure as governor.
It said Obi’s 2023 manifesto recorded approximately $500 million in investments and savings, including $156 million in dollar-denominated bonds.
The office argued that the record demonstrated that government could preserve financial resources rather than simply spend available funds.
“He showed that government could save rather than merely spend. This is perhaps one of the clearest contrasts in his political message: leaving substantial financial reserves behind after leaving office. The record presented in his manifesto includes local and foreign currency savings and investments,” it stated.
The Media Office also highlighted education as a central part of Obi’s record, saying his administration returned mission schools to their original owners and established partnerships with them.
It said Obi’s manifesto reported that Anambra subsequently moved from 24th to first position in WAEC/NECO performance for three consecutive years.
Beyond infrastructure, the office said Obi’s administration invested in scholarships, education, healthcare and poverty mapping, describing the approach as one that placed human capital at the centre of development.
“He invested in human capital rather than only physical projects. The record includes scholarships, support for education, healthcare investments and poverty mapping—an approach consistent with the argument that development is ultimately about improving people’s productive capacity,” the statement said.
The Media Office also cited healthcare investments during Obi’s tenure, saying his administration invested in health institutions and accreditation.
According to the statement, more than 12 health institutions, including two hospitals, had secured accreditation by the end of Obi’s tenure, compared with none at the beginning.
It further pointed to Obi’s engagement with international development organisations, including the World Bank, UNDP, DFID and the European Union, as well as diplomatic engagements with foreign governments.
The office said Obi’s administration also introduced poverty mapping, aerial mapping and planning initiatives and developed the Anambra Integrated Development Strategy (ANIDS) as a framework for coordinated development.
It added that Obi’s experience before entering politics, including his career in business and banking and senior roles in the financial sector, gave him a combination of private-sector, financial-management and public-sector experience.
The Media Office argued that Obi’s presidential case should therefore be judged against his record in office rather than solely against campaign promises.
“Peter Obi is not asking Nigerians to make him President so that he can learn how government works. He is asking Nigerians to entrust him with Nigeria after demonstrating, as Governor of Anambra, how he manages money, builds institutions, invests in human capital and plans for the future,” the statement said.
The office maintained that the former Anambra governor had left behind a record that Nigerians could examine in assessing his suitability for the presidency.
It said the question was therefore not whether Obi had been politically promoted, but whether his previous record justified the ratings and popularity he currently enjoyed in the political space.
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