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Nigeria Security Sector Governance and The Ribadu’s Model

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National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu
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BY DR. ONIBIYO ROTIMI

There is no gainsaying that the present administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu is poised to push for, expand, and sustain the frontier of Security Sector Governance (SSG), with the new security Sheriff in the Office of the National Security Adviser; Nuhu Ribadu, in their-so-far-applauded-strides of returning Nigeria back into a workable Nation away from the banana republic status. The appointment of Mr Ribadu further projects the need to jettison the State security approach for Human Security trajectories in our State concentric National Security disposition. National Security is not all about guns and ammunitions for State territorial control, rather it is about a condition free of fair, dignified living, free of apprehension and absence of lacks.

The New National Security Adviser, Mr Ribadu should therefore be seen promoting all the constructs of human security as found in food security, health security, economic security as against the building of arms and ammunition which do not bring peace, security nor political stability. Thus, a country that invests heavily in human security may not have to spend much money and efforts in fighting crimes like secessionism, kidnapping, banditry, human trafficking, student unrest, political assassination, regional agitations and terrorism as seen coalescing in the contraption called Nigeria. Achieving such human security trajectories, could be found in activating Security Sector Governance, of which the appointment of Mr Nuhu Ribadu signposts.

In its simplest form for understanding, Security Sector governance places the Military, Intelligence and Law Enforcement (MILE) under the control of civilian in a democratic settings. It simply promotes the evolvement of strong institutions that demands for the accountability of all security apparatus to civil rule. The security of Nigerians does not resides alone in State and territorial security as projected by the Cold War era mentality rather it is properly situated in pushing for human security. The formal as against the latter has been the preoccupation of the Nigeria military and the political elites, who excessively gained from the skewed definition of security as against the broadening human security approach. Such constricted approach could be seen in the National Security Strategies documents wholly done by the Military, Intelligence and Law Enforcement (MILE), excluding inputs of others.

The National Security Strategies (NSS) of 2015 and 2019 from the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) is largely bereft of inputs from all other government ministries, departments, Agencies nor the academia, who are to be seen deepening the definition security for defenceless Nigerians. From food security to health security onto education security, not excluding political security nor environmental security while community security and economic security should be upheld all together and extensively as against securitization of banditry, kidnapping, maritime piracy, terrorism, insurgency, secessionism. The need to redefine Nigeria’s definition of security outside the definition foisted by the Military, Intelligence and Law Enforcement is long overdue. When security is defined along the constructs of ensuring and provisioning of economic security, food security, health security, education security, political security, environmental security and community security amongst others. It is by then, we will be catering for the needs of every Nigerians as against the need of the elites in the military and in government. This is one of the onerous tasks ahead of Nuhu Ribadu, hence the need for such appointment to stick.

Another nuances of disconnect, from the office of the National Security Adviser, are the preponderances of militarisation mechanisms of our internal security which has not in any way slow down insecurity rather it keeps flaring up the salvo of violent crimes driven by skewed ideology and justifications to bear arms. Issues that could in the interest of all, be addressed through dialogues and good governance are militarised out of proportion and resources that would have addressed the situation via job provision, food provisions, and public services provisioning are channeled into different military Operations across the Nigeria federations. The need to revisit the drawing board cannot be over emphasised in the interest of all. It is crystal clear that violence is no longer the monopolistic heritage of the government, as years of militarisation of the entity called Nigeria, has taken us as a nation into security and safety but rather the whole landscape is overwhelm with violent crimes.

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The Office of the National Security Adviser, should be seen escalating accountability of all Military, Intelligence and Law Enforcement to democratic structures. Days of administrative, financial and operational recklessness is over. Accountability is at the core of security sector reform and should be a beacon for standard, henceforth. This is what is obtainable in developed clime and aspiring towards that should be the least the populace deserves. Days of security votes as non-auditable should be receding away for good governance emergence. The Nigeria military should not be seen reforming itself by herself but such reformation should align with what is obtainable in other climes that have embraced security sector reform for the betterment of a great nation.

Paradoxically, it was Lt. Gen Dambazzau that suggested unification of basic trainings for all paramilitary services in Nigeria. Such lofty ideas should be extended to all Military, Intelligence and Law Enforcements as such paradigm shift will drastically remove unnecessary interagency rivalry and unfruitful competition. There is no gainsaying that a three month basic training for all Nigerians aspiring to enlist in Army, Navy, Airforce, NDLEA, Nigeria Police, NSCDC, DSS, FRSC, Immigration, Correctional Services etc will unify the recruitees to the extent that participants could judge themselves ahead, of who could be seen drafted into FRSC, Navy, NSCDC or Police Services ahead of their deployment into these specialised agencies. Performance during such basic trainings will apparently reveal who goes to which agency as earlier displayed on training. This will greatly reduce the entitlement spirit that once participants’ parents are in any of the services, employment into such services becomes automatic. Merit could be seen sacrificed in our recruitment into services and the country remain the worst of it. Hence, the need for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the incoming National Security Adviser to overhaul existing skewed approach to recruitment is overdue.

Concerningly, the new National Security Sheriff in Mr Ribadu and his Critical Thinking Team should extensively interrogate the Insurgency Economy as seen playing out in Nigeria particularly in the North East. The writer in a bid to share a common ground with an erudite psychologist and a security expert; Prof Zamani Andrew, who sees Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) proliferation as indicator of governance failure. Same governance failure accounts for inability to set up a functional agency tracking, tracing and arresting proliferation of arms, rather a presidential taskforce warehoused in the ONSA oversees such an overarching duty. Same governance failure affords the insurgency economy to thrive in the North East thus keeping the terror war in an unending cyclical form. The agitations of private individual to acquire arms and ammunition for self-protection, the drive for regional agitators taking to arms, the failure to overhaul the aged and expired 1959 Firearms Ordinance and align with both international and regional protocol on arms proliferations, the evidently loose armoury management that affords military and law enforcement armouries to be overtaken, with seizure of government assets seen in the possession of terror cells and bandits, are all the unsettling effects of governance failure and all these must be engaged by Mr. Nuhu Ribadu.

The need for the Ribadu Security Model to overhaul the Nigeria Security Architecture cannot be overstated. The concentric, over-aged and unitary security architecture can no longer sustain the containment of crime and criminalities in a complex Federation like Nigeria. The need to take security closer to the people lies in tinkering and overhauling the present composition of the Nigeria National Security Council (NSC). Borrowing a leaf from Ghana, South Africa, Singapore and other developed clime, National Security Council of these aforementioned Nations are no longer dominated by Army, Navy, Airforce and Police. The Customs, Immigration, Civil Defence and Correctional Services are fully represented to project human security as against the expired approach of guns and ammunition called State Security which has not help in stemming the tides of crime in Nigeria. The issue of border control is a very sensitive security issues in the United States but not attended to nor seen on the Nigeria Security Architecture. Funnily also, Nigeria is the only country in the world, where the lead agency for the protection of her Critical National Assets and Infrastructure is nowhere to be seen on her National Security Council but rather tucked away inside the Intelligence Community Committee (ICC).

Interestingly, Nigeria is one of the few countries whose Naval Assets through the Nigeria Navy also supervises and oversees her maritime space as against the evolvement of a Coast Guard. This arrangement foisted by the military in a bid to dominate national security issues has extensively soiled the hands of the military particularly the Nigeria Navy as revealed by Asari Dokunbo which also validates exposures made by Tompolo Government, whereby illegal pipelines constructed and embedded on the high sea syphoning the nations crude oil under the watch of the Navy is enough to relieve all top echelons of the military from office. The need to evolve a coast Guard and empower Nigeria Maritime Space Agency (NIMASA) cannot be overemphasised. The need to allow and enable Marine Guards for Nigeria Police, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps and National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) to secure our maritime space should also be an issue that should occupy the Critical Thinking Team of the National Security Adviser to Mr President.

Permit me to summarise the way forward in the tone of Prof. Adoyi Onoja that, now is the right time to retire “Security” away from the image of the Military and begin the construction of security in the image of civil rule. It is time to revamp and reconfigured what are security issues and what are not to be securitized. Security should not be seen as a cesspool of corruption with Nigeria rated as the third most corrupt Nation in Military assets procurement. According to the 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index reported by Transparency International, Nigeria is the 150 least corrupt nation out of 180 countries. Prosecuting a counterinsurgency war with assets of less value are issues to attract the attention of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Mr Nuhu Ribadu in their giant strides to retire “Security” away from the image of the Military and begin the construction of security in the image of civil rule.

• Dr. ONIBIYO Rotimi writes from Nasarawa State University Keffi (temiowa@yahoo.com)

Opinion

The vermin of untamed Social Media use among Nigerian Youths

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The social media
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BY EMUOBOHWO RICHES OGHENEYOMA

With the help of social media, life has become easier through the dissemination of information through platforms like instagram, TikTok, facebook, Snapchat and twitter now renamed X.  Through the help of social media people have been able to learn various skills without going anywhere to acquire them.

Social media technologies appear to have affected many young people’s way of thinking so much that they even take everything as a joke, they do anything just to go viral on social media. Because of what they have watched online they no longer have respect for their elders to the extent that if you are not their parents you cannot correct them. Our youth no longer dress decent because of what they have seen or watched on social media, they want to dress just like their role model on social media. Social media has influenced our youth to embrace immoral dressing. Some influencers on social media, sometimes do not do as they have said online causing problems in the life of our youths.

Social media has led many of our youths into criminal activities like killing their loved ones just to make money and meet up with what they see online, some even start stealing to be able to buy what they see online, some even pressure their parents because they couldn’t afford that lifestyle for them. Our young girls are selling their body to men in order to buy the trending things online like clothes and phones just to meet up with social media trends.

Our youth no longer see their naked pictures and videos trending online as a big deal they even use it as a medium to go viral on social media, some even send their naked pictures to men just for money.

Students no longer take their studies serious because of social media, they want to do the latest trend on social media.  They wake up every morning just to do blog, making them not to perform very well academically. They even sacrifice their night sleep which is not good medically just to watch videos on social media causing damages to their eyes from their phone screen.

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Social media has made some youths to have low self-esteem, they do not have confidence in themselves because of the pressure on social media. Some youth have made attempts to commit suicide because of the pressure in social media.

I know social media has done a lot of things in the society like passing information but we cannot forget the fact that it has done more harm than good to the youths in the society. It is rare  to find well-mannered youth because of the negative impact of social media. Some even start taking drugs because of peer-pressure from social media.

It has therefore become imperative for the various arms of government ans security agencies to put in place a regulatory framework that will checkmate social media abuse among the youths in the country in order to prevent or eliminate the negative consequences.

•  Written by RICHES EMUOBOHWO, a 200 Level Student of Delta State University

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Opinion

Enugu State, Governor Mbah and The Road Revolution

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Enugu Works Commissioner reads riot act to construction firms
Governor Peter Mbah and other functionaries during road project inspection
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By Samson Ezea

There is no meaningful development without infrastructure, and no infrastructure impacts the daily lives of the people more directly than roads. Roads connect communities, drive commerce, reduce travel time, improve security, attract investments, and open up rural areas for economic growth. In Enugu State today, one of the most visible signatures of Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah’s administration is the aggressive push in road construction and reconstruction across the state. From urban renewal projects to strategic rural link roads, the administration has continued to redefine the state’s infrastructural landscape.

Recently, I had cause to travel to Nsukka. I began my journey from Independence Layout through the Enugu–Port Harcourt Expressway and passed through Abakpa Junction. What immediately caught my attention was the impressive level of work on the second lane of the Enugu–Onitsha Expressway, which has already been opened for use, as well as the ongoing construction of the flyover bridge at Abakpa Junction.

On getting to Penoks Junction, I became even more excited seeing the extent of the dualisation project stretching from the junction down to the flyover bridge at T-Junction as part of the ongoing dualisation of the Penoks–Opi–Nsukka Road by Governor Mbah’s administration. Unlike in the past, when journeys to Nsukka were stressful and time-consuming, I arrived in less than 40 minutes.

Apart from the already completed sections, construction work is progressing rapidly on other parts of the road, particularly from the Opi Nsukka Junction axis towards Enugu. Just like every other road, Governor Mbah’s administration has constructed and reconstructed in the state, one remarkable feature of the project is the provision of proper drainage systems on both sides of the road to ensure easy flow of erosion and floodwater. This was largely absent on the old road and had contributed significantly to its deterioration over the years.

Beyond eliminating the usual traffic congestion and gridlock associated with the route, the economic benefits and long-term impact of the dualisation of this strategic road cannot be overemphasized. It is a major gateway linking Enugu State to northern Nigeria and other parts of the South-East.

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Also, during the grand finale of the Tomorrow Is Here Movement, the vibrant support group of Governor Mbah’s administration, held at Owo Junction last month, I took time to travel through the ongoing 44.5-kilometre dual carriage road being constructed from scratch from Owo Junction through Ubahu down to Ikem. The road, when completed, will serve as another major access route connecting Enugu State to Northern Nigeria, while opening up several rural communities to development and economic opportunities.

Across Enugu State, from urban centres to rural communities, I have personally driven through several strategic roads either under construction or undergoing rehabilitation by Governor Mbah’s administration, roads I never even knew existed from my undergraduate days in Enugu till date.

Despite the huge backlog of infrastructural deficits inherited from decades of neglect by successive administrations, even before the creation of Enugu State in 1991, Governor Mbah’s administration has performed remarkably well in critical infrastructure development, particularly in roads, schools, hospitals, and related sectors. These projects are gradually transforming the developmental outlook of the state and positioning Enugu as an emerging investment destination.

From the outset, it was obvious that Governor Mbah came prepared for governance. This became even clearer on August 31, 2024, when he commissioned the Enugu State ultra-modern Mega Asphalt Plant, one of the best in the South-East region. The plant was established specifically to tackle the high cost and logistical challenges associated with road construction, especially asphalt production, which constitutes a major component of road projects.

The establishment of this important facility has significantly accelerated the pace and quality of road construction across the state.
Aside from occasional delays caused by the rainy season, most of the roads awarded by the administration are progressing steadily. Importantly, none of the projects awarded by Governor Mbah’s government has been abandoned. Construction activities are ongoing on virtually all of them, earning commendations from residents and indigenes alike.

Even as political activities ahead of the 2027 general elections intensify, with many politicians focusing more on strategies for electoral victory, Governor Mbah appears determined to allow his performance speak for him. This perhaps explains why the administration has continued to award more strategic road projects across the state.
Among the recently flagged-off projects is the 52.2-kilometre Nsukka–Leija–Aku–Akpakumeze–Eke-Ebe Road, inaugurated during the Enugu North Mega Endorsement Rally in May 2026. Other newly awarded projects include:
Beach Junction–Ovoko Afor Road, Nsukka
Enyichiru Barracks Junction Road, Nsukka – 1.2km
Mechanic Road Barracks Junction, Nsukka – 1.15km
Ugwuachara Road, Nsukka – 1.55km
Ezeagu–Umumba–Orie Engine Ebenebe Road – 10.1km
Enugu United Palm Plantation (EUPP) Access Road at Ibite Olo, Ezeagu – 14.5km
Umabi–Umuaga Link Road – 3.6km
Eke Obinagu–Obodo Nike–Umuode–Oruku–Aguikpa–Amaechi Idodo Road – 18.23km
Obodo Ukwu–Inyi Road – 5.6km
Ehuhe–Achi–Umabi Road – 13.05km
Amanpunato Achi–Amoli Road – 16.47km
Altogether, these projects cover over 151 kilometres of roads across different parts of the state.

These are not just ordinary roads; they are economic lifelines. They will boost agriculture, enhance rural commerce, improve access to healthcare and education, reduce travel time, and strengthen connectivity between rural communities and urban centres.
That is why it is amusing to read the propaganda and misinformation being circulated by some sponsored social media hirelings attempting to downplay the achievements of Governor Mbah’s administration in road construction. Their aim may be to score cheap political points ahead of the 2027 elections, but facts remain sacred.
Even to the blind, it is obvious and indisputable that Governor Mbah’s administration has done remarkably well in road construction and reconstruction across Enugu State. The administration has not abandoned any road project awarded so far and continues to initiate new projects despite growing political distractions.

The construction of the Mega Asphalt Plant at the early stage of the administration clearly demonstrated foresight, seriousness, and preparedness to tackle the long-standing challenge of deplorable roads across the state.
However, one undeniable reality remains: the infrastructural decay inherited over several decades is enormous.

Even if Governor Mbah were given another eight years focused solely on road construction, it would still be difficult to completely erase the backlog of dilapidated roads across the state. That is simply the magnitude of neglect accumulated over the years.

Nevertheless, the progress made so far deserves recognition and appreciation. Road construction is highly capital-intensive and requires careful planning, technical expertise, and time to ensure durability and quality delivery. Therefore, development should not only be assessed based on whether roads in one’s immediate community have been reconstructed. Governance must be viewed from a broader perspective.

In all fairness, Governor Peter Mbah’s administration has shown commitment, vision, and determination in addressing Enugu State’s infrastructural challenges. The ongoing road revolution across the state is not merely about laying asphalt; it is about opening up communities, stimulating economic growth, improving the quality of life of the people, and laying a solid foundation for future generations.

Indeed, the roads are speaking for the administration.

• Ezea writes from Independence Layout, Enugu State

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Business

Amukpe-Escravos pipeline and the real cost of ignoring current value, By Sufuyan Ojeifo

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Nigeria’s oil infrastructure has a habit of telling uncomfortable truths. Not just about barrels and flow rates, but about how a country chooses to value what it cannot afford to lose, and what it risks when it gets that calculation wrong.

Take the Amukpe-Escravos Pipeline, for example. A syndicate of lenders, led by Sterling Bank, is pushing back against efforts to revive a collapsed transaction involving a 40% stake in the asset. Their argument is not complicated. It is rooted in numbers and contractual discipline.

To be clear, a deal that fell apart in 2024 is being reconsidered using a valuation from that same year. However, since then, the asset has proved its worth. Independent assessments now place that stake closer to $600 million. The earlier benchmark sits far below that. The gap is not cosmetic. It is material. And if left unaddressed, it becomes a cost.

The original $243 million offer did not collapse by accident. It was terminated in October 2024 after Conpurex Limited failed to meet payment obligations, breached key terms, and sought to shift risk back to the seller. By the time the Technical Committee closed the process, confidence had already drained out of it. That much is settled.

Ordinarily, that should have been the end. Instead, there are moves to return to a September 2025 approval linked to that same process. The lenders describe this as an administrative carryover. Their response is simple. Start again. Set aside the old approval. Bring in an independent adviser. Return the asset to the market and let current value speak.

What is striking is not just the position itself, but how unusual it sounds in the Nigerian context. In a system where strategic assets have too often travelled through corridors of convenience, an insistence on valuation and process can sound almost rebellious. It should not be so.

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Because this is not entirely about one pipeline. It is about whether a terminated deal remains terminated. Whether contracts still mean what they say. Whether performance counts for anything once the paperwork has been filed away. And, crucially, who bears the cost when value is ignored.

The numbers, as always, are blunt. A 2025 independent valuation, referenced in the March 2026 edition of Africa Oil+Gas Report, places the 40% stake at a mid-case of $372 million, a high case of $544 million, and an upside of $641 million. These are not speculative figures. They reflect an asset that has quietly done its job in a difficult environment.

With a capacity of 160,000 barrels per day and uptime consistently above 95%, the Amukpe-Escravos Pipeline has become one of the more reliable evacuation routes in a system where reliability is often in short supply. While other corridors struggle with theft and disruption, this one works.

That fact matters a great deal. Because when an asset proves itself under pressure, its value does not stand still. It moves. To price it as though nothing has changed is not just a technical choice. It is a financial one. And every financial choice has consequences.

It says performance can be ignored. It says time does not count. It says administrative continuity can outrun economic reality. To be fair, the earlier process gave enough warning signs. Lenders questioned the assumptions. Coordination was weak. When Continental Oil and Gas stepped back, Conpurex entered without a clean transition and soon began to reopen settled terms, shifting obligations and introducing new conditions that unsettled the commercial balance. The eventual termination was not dramatic. It was inevitable.

What unsettles stakeholders now is the possibility that a process that ran its course may still shape the outcome. If a concluded transaction can reappear without a clear restart, the line between closure and continuity begins to blur. Once that line blurs, contractual uncertainty follows. And when certainty weakens, serious capital takes notice.

This is where the issue widens beyond the pipeline itself. Back in March, Africa Oil+Gas Report described the Amukpe-Escravos matter as no longer just a transaction story, but a test of how Nigeria governs, values, and safeguards strategic oil infrastructure. That reading feels even more relevant now.

Because what is at stake is not simply who acquires a stake in a pipeline. It is how the country signals to those willing to invest in its most critical assets. It is about whether value is recognised only in theory, or protected in practice. It is about whether losses are acknowledged, or quietly absorbed.

The lenders’ position is often described as resistance. It is better understood as discipline. Reset the process. Revisit the approval. Bring in independent oversight. Return the asset to the market through a transparent and competitive process that reflects present realities. Ensure capable counterparties. Align all stakeholders.

These are not extravagant demands. They are the basics. Nigeria has seen too many assets drift from promise to regret. Too many structures that once worked reduced to cautionary tales. When something works, when something proves resilient in a difficult system, the least that can be done is to treat it with the seriousness it has earned.

Moments like this do not announce themselves as turning points. They arrive quietly, dressed as routine decisions.

But they reveal everything. For an economy seeking disciplined capital and trying to rebuild confidence, the signal matters. Let the process be reset. Let valuation reflect reality. Let the outcome show that when Nigeria recognises value, it also knows how to protect it, and what it stands to lose when it does not.

Until then, the lenders’ position stands as a reminder that in a system where too much has been taken for granted, some lines are too important to be crossed and must be held.

● Sufuyan Ojeifo publishes THE CONCLAVE online newspaper.

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