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Nigeria is bleeding, broken and we’re tired

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Nigeria is bleeding, broken and we’re tired
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By Agbeze Ireke Kalu Onuma, AI-KO.

I’m writing this essay in a vehicle, on the Ijebu Ode Benin Expressway, because my heart is heavy, and Nigeria is in deep pain. Today June 6th. 2025, our country is bleeding. The unusual presence of armed security men of all sorts, seemingly doing nothing more than extort, brought back to my mind: Just days ago, armed men killed 43 innocent Christians in Benue State. They shot people in their homes, chased families into wells, and hurt even pregnant women and a two-year-old child – all while soldiers nearby did nothing. At the same time, violent herder attacks killed over 50 people in the Northwest, and kidnappers are terrorizing Sokoto.

These aren’t just bad news stories. They’re signs that Nigeria is falling apart. Yet, the government is throwing parties to celebrate two years in power – two years of economy crashing, security disappearing, and broken promises.

This is what our elders mean by leaning on a “dead stump.” Nigeria feels like a rotten tree trunk – looks solid but is crumbling inside. Our leaders have let everything break down:

• Farmers bury children killed in land fights

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• Doctors run away from hospitals falling apart

• We pay for light, security guards, and water because the government fails us

This essay is my reflection and exploration of how a country with so much promise became a shell picked clean by the rich and powerful.

In today’s Nigeria:

• Big people break laws without punishment

• 87 million live in deep poverty despite our oil money

• Nobody trusts the government – worst in Africa!

• Hope is leaving: 15,000 doctors fled in 7 years

The Benue killings show the truth: A government that can’t protect its people has failed. When killers murder civilians near soldiers who do nothing, the “dead stump” isn’t just rotten – it’s collapsing under us. Violence now costs Nigeria $132 billion yearly – money that could fix schools, hospitals, and roads.

I write this not from hopelessness, but from angry love for our country. Nigeria doesn’t need small fixes – it needs total rebirth. We must dig up the old roots of injustice and plant new seeds of fairness, equality, and the stubborn will to take back the future stolen from us all.

Nigeria perches precariously, leaning with unsettling trust on what Yoruba wisdom grimly identifies as a “dead stump.” This potent metaphor captures the essence of a nation seemingly balanced on rotten foundations, its immense potential – vast natural wealth, a vibrant cultural mosaic, teeming human capital – grotesquely overshadowed by the daily reality of systemic collapse, normalized irrationality, and profound disillusionment. The lived experience of Nigerians paints a picture of a country dangerously close to decomposition, where entrenched corruption, deep social fragmentation, and a worrying cultural numbness have become the defining features of national life. The irrationality of governance isn’t an occasional lapse; it is the pervasive, suffocating air we breathe.

This decay didn’t sprout overnight. Its roots dig deep into historical traumas, weaponized by generations of failed leadership. The arbitrary borders drawn by British colonizers forced disparate ethnic nations into a fractious administrative whole, a fault line expertly exploited by post-independence elites who replaced the dream of unity with the brutal calculus of competitive plunder. Military regimes merely institutionalized this corruption, building governance structures designed solely for extraction. The much-vaunted return to civilian rule in 1999 promised regeneration but delivered, tragically, recycled predation. Former military strongmen seamlessly rebranded as democrats, perpetuating kleptocratic traditions. As the prophetic Fela Anikulapo-Kuti declared decades ago, Nigerian democracy became “demo-cracy, crazy demo, demonstration of craze” – a hollow theatrical performance where elections serve only to legitimize grand theft. Decades later, Fela’s scathing critique remains painfully apt; the rituals persist, utterly divorced from democratic substance.

Nigeria as I have repeatedly said, is a country leaning on a rotten tree stump – it looks like it’s standing, but inside, it’s dead and crumbling. We see the proof everywhere: the terrible killings in Benue where soldiers watched and did nothing, kidnappings terrorizing Sokoto, millions trapped in deep poverty while oil money vanishes, hospitals losing doctors every day, and powerful people breaking rules without any punishment. We can’t pretend any longer. The old system – our “dead stump” – is collapsing under us.

The core pathology is a kleptocratic ecosystem operating with near-total impunity. A cabal of political elites, bureaucratic tacticians, and corporate magnates treat the nation as their personal criminal franchise, shielded by immense wealth, intricate connections, and a deeply compromised judiciary. The brazen looting of pension funds meant for retirees, where billions simply vanished, stands as a stark monument to this impunity – perpetrators faced mere slaps on the wrist despite public fury. Similarly, the fuel subsidy fraud saw trillions siphoned away through a complex web of institutionalized complicity involving oil magnates and state officials. This pervasive corruption fuels a parallel tragedy: the normalization of madness. Chronic electricity collapse, despite staggering investments, has made the incessant drone of personal generators the national soundtrack of state failure. The dilapidation of public education – underfunded institutions, unpaid teachers, perpetual strikes – now evokes weary resignation rather than outrage. This collective desensitization allows governance absurdities to replicate endlessly, from collapsing infrastructure to policies utterly divorced from the people’s reality. We witness the glaring contradictions daily: democratic accountability promised, yet “untouchable thieves” reign supreme; vast oil wealth flaunted, yet 33% unemployment and 63% multi-dimensional poverty grip the populace; national unity proclaimed, yet deepening ethnic and regional fissures make Chinua Achebe’s observation – “Nigerians don’t believe Nigeria exists” – resonate ever louder; rule of law enshrined, yet a two-tiered system prevails where elites enjoy “plea bargains” while the masses face brutalization.

This decomposition violently fractures the social fabric along lines of inequality and escalating violence. Ethnic and religious schisms, cynically manipulated by elites to distract from shared predation, deepen daily. The disillusionment felt by Northern Nigerians witnessing violence against southerners in India revealed a painful irony: despite perceived cultural affinities fostered by Bollywood, Nigerians abroad are crudely stereotyped as “drug traffickers” or “Boko Haram terrorists.” As one commentator starkly put it, “Outside Nigeria, a Christian southerner is as likely to be stereotyped as a Boko Haram terrorist as a northern Muslim is to be tagged a drug trafficker.” Meanwhile, deliberate resource maldistribution creates stark realities of abandonment. Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition analyses lay bare how material deprivation drives profound inequity. Rural women bear a staggering burden, experiencing 79.77% of sexual violence among disabled populations. Contraceptive access reveals a rural-urban gap where 82% of the disparity stems purely from wealth and education deficits. Healthcare apartheid persists grimly: maternal mortality is 14% higher in rural areas, where 72% of women lack skilled birth attendance. These aren’t accidents; they are the calculated outcomes of systemic neglect.

Perhaps the deepest decay is spiritual and ethical – a collective numbness, a normalization of the abnormal. Society increasingly worships at the altar of ill-gotten wealth. Opulence commands adulation regardless of its criminal provenance, framing wealth accumulation as life’s ultimate, and often only, metric. This pervasive moral ambivalence actively enables the cycles of rot: “Unethical conduct is lauded, perpetuating institutional rot.” The symbolism is potent when even high-ranking officials stumble over reciting the National Pledge – a vanished moral compass laid bare. Fela’s enduring diagnosis – “poor man dey cry, rich man dey mess” – still perfectly encapsulates the void where a social contract should reside. Cultural influencers, from Chimamanda Adichie’s piercing novel Americanah to Joy Alagbe’s powerful visual art, document this profound existential disillusionment. Alagbe’s 2023 Democracy Day piece, literally inscribing Fela’s “demo-crazy” critique onto the canvas, serves as a haunting reminder that the fundamental pathologies diagnosed decades ago remain stubbornly, tragically unchanged.

This internal decay inevitably tarnishes Nigeria’s global standing and the dignity of its citizens abroad. The nation suffers from toxic branding. The 2013 murder of a Nigerian in Goa ignited tensions, exposing how internal failures export shame, with Indian media and top ranking officials quick to stereotype Nigerians as “cancers” and “drug traffickers” – labels conspicuously absent when describing Russian or Israeli narcotics operatives. Studies, including one from Sweden, confirmed India as “the most racist society” for Africans, facing hostility comparable to that endured by India’s own 200-million-strong Dalit community. Unsurprisingly, a massive brain drain exodus is underway, a haemorrhaging of human capital driven by sheer disillusionment. Over 15,000 doctors fled between 2015 and 2022 alone, stripping the nation of the very innovators it desperately needs for any hope of renewal.

The unrelenting bloodshed across Nigeria – from the coordinated slaughter of 43 Christians in Benue to the mass kidnappings in Sokoto and the 50 lives erased in Northwest attacks – demands more than perfunctory condemnations. It compels piercing questions about a security architecture rotting from within, funded by billions yet yielding only corpses and despair. These are not isolated tragedies, but symptoms of systemic collapse.

The Theatre of Security: Why Do Checkpoints Exist If Soldiers Watch Killers Operate “Within Earshot”?
In Benue, attackers executed civilians opposite military checkpoints while soldiers stood passive . This mirrors the Dapchi schoolgirl abduction, where security forces received five separate warnings over four hours about approaching Boko Haram fighters yet took no action . What operational philosophy justifies deploying soldiers to “secure” highways if their role is spectral – recording atrocities but never preventing them? When the Army itself admits withdrawing troops from hotspots like Dapchi months before attacks , is this incompetence, cowardice, or complicity?

2. The Arithmetic of Betrayal: Where Do ₦4.1 Trillion Security Budgets Vanish?

Customs intercepts in 2023 – 2024 alone seized 451,771 firearms , yet terrorists still wield General Purpose Machine Guns on highways . Nigeria spends 8% of GDP ($132 billion/year) on violence containment , but soldiers lack bullets, communities have no police, and hospitals hemorrhage doctors. Who profits from this economy of carnage? Why does weaponry flow ceaselessly through 10,000 porous borders , while security chiefs flaunt promotions based on political loyalty, not merit ?

3. The Supply Chain of Terror: Which “Powerful Sponsors” Fuel the Arms Pipelines?

Firearms seizures expose Turkish smuggling networks shipping shotguns concealed in furniture , while Libyan conflict spillover floods the North with arms . Yet arrests of financiers vanish. The UAE named five Nigerians as terror sponsors in 2022 – why has none been prosecuted ? When elites openly fortify political thugs with weapons for elections , and state actors enable herder militias to seize Tiv farmlands , is the state arming its own enemies?

4. The Currency of Complicity: Why Do Officials Prefer “Speeches Over Action”?

After the Benue massacre, the federal government celebrated its second anniversary while villages buried their dead . When 110 Dapchi girls were abducted, authorities first denied it, then falsely claimed rescue . This mirrors the Chibok playbook: investigations ordered, reports buried. Senior Advocate Terkaa Aondo accuses state governments of complicity in land grabs, noting that attacks “are not random” but strategic dispossessions backed by official silence . Who issues the orders to stand down?

5. The Machinery of Impunity: Why Are Security Forces Rewarded for Failure?

Police kill 785 “robbers” in 100 days but lose 62 officers – a kill ratio signaling extrajudicial executions . Yet not one officer faced consequences for ignoring Dapchi’s warnings . When 72% of Nigerians deem police irredeemably corrupt , and officers extort bribes at checkpoints instead of patrolling, why are they deployed as VIP guards for politicians? What perverse incentive structure rewards incompetence with promotions?

6. The Cost of Collusion: When Did Citizens Become Sacrificial Lambs?

Farmers bury children butchered over contested land . Parents in Dapchi heard their daughters’ cries as Boko Haram marched them into darkness . South Easterners cower under sit-at-home orders while police vanish from streets – a tacit state surrender to non-state terror . Every life lost is a referendum on a state that taxes the poor to arm the rich, protects elite mines in Nasarawa but leaves schools defenseless.

Nigeria bleeds from self-inflicted wounds. The “dead stump” is not just rotten – it is fertilized by a ruling class that profits from chaos. Until we demand answers to these questions, until we trace the blood money funding terror, and until we dismantle the architecture of impunity, the stump will collapse – and bury us all.

Yet, decomposition need not be terminal. Biological truth teaches us that rotting wood nourishes new growth. Nigeria’s salvation demands radical honesty about the depth of the rot and the courageous cultivation of new foundations. An institutional overhaul is non-negotiable – anti-corruption agencies like the EFCC require genuine constitutional autonomy, transparent operations, and sweeping judicial reform to finally hold elites accountable. Pension and subsidy looters must face exemplary consequences, not the insult of plea bargains. This must be coupled with a profound civic reawakening. Reclaiming nationhood demands sustained grassroots mobilization, rejecting electoral apathy and holding leaders to account through vibrant civil society and fiercely independent media. Crucially, leadership paradigms must shift from corrosive patronage to rigorous meritocracy. Initiatives like a National Values Charter must move beyond rhetoric, with elites compelled to visibly use Nigerian hospitals and products. Blinder-Oaxaca analyses prove that equitable wealth redistribution is essential. Universal healthcare, pro-poor education funding, and rural electrification are not luxuries but necessities to reduce the desperation fuelling fragmentation.

General Christopher Musa’s recent disclosure – that Boko Haram thrives on fuel siphoned by commercial drivers, buried in jerrycans, and phoned in to terrorists – is less a revelation than a damning indictment of institutional paralysis. This supply chain has fueled genocide, yet the military’s response remains confined to speeches. rather than systemic action. When intelligence identifies drivers colluding with terrorists, what tangible steps follow? Are these enablers arrested, prosecuted, or dismantled? Musa’s admission echoes a pattern: security elites know the mechanics of terror but outsource responsibility to civilians while evading their own failures .

Consider the lethal irony: soldiers idle at checkpoints as terrorists slaughter civilians “within earshot,” yet the Air Force repeatedly bombs vigilantes and displaced camps – killing 120 in Tudun Biri (2023), 40 during Eid prayers (2024), and 20 more in Zamfara (2025) – all branded “mistakes” . These are not errors but symptoms of a rot: poor training, outdated intelligence, and zero accountability. When a jet can bomb citizens pursuing kidnappers but fail to intercept fuel smugglers, the system isn’t malfunctioning; it’s complicit.

Musa’s plea – “report suspicious activities” – rings hollow when communities doalert forces, only to face military brutality or airstrikes. In Borno, civilians reporting Boko Haram movements risk being labeled “sympathizers” and detained without trial . Meanwhile, security budgets vanish: ₦4.1 trillion evaporates while terrorists wield machine guns and troops groan over unpaid allowances . The Army Chief’s intelligence is useless if it never translates into raids on fuel depots, sting operations against informants, or protection for whistleblowers.

Terrorists evolve: they exploit borders, hack financial systems, and globalize recruitment via preachers like Ahmad Musa Jibril . Yet Nigeria’s security playbook stagnates in denial – blaming “external forces” like “Californium in Borno soil” while ignoring internal treachery . When bandits overrun villages, commanders peddle conspiracy theories; when airstrikes massacre civilians, investigations are buried. This isn’t incompetence – it’s a conspiracy of indifference where excuses are perfected as policy.

This recent disclosure about Boko Haram’s fuel supply chain – where commercial drivers siphon fuel, bury jerrycans, and phone terrorists – is not intelligence but a confession of institutional surrender. For 16 years, this same supply network has operated with impunity while security checkpoints function as passive observers to genocide. When terrorists slaughtered 43 Christians in Benue “within earshot” of military posts, soldiers reportedly stood passive – a pattern echoing the 2024 Dapchi abduction, where five advance warnings were ignored . Musa’s solution? A surreal proposal to fence Nigeria’s 4,477 km of borders , despite failing to secure a single highway checkpoint. This disconnect reveals a leadership culture prioritizing grandiose, unworkable projects over tactical competence. As security analyst Kabiru Adamu notes: “When a military cannot intercept fuel smugglers in areas it controls, fencing borders is like building a mansion on quicksand.”

Nigeria’s security budget has ballooned to ₦4.1 trillion annually, yet terrorists wield machine guns while troops ration bullets.

Recent findings expose catastrophic mismanagement:

• Airstrike misfires killed 120 civilians in Tudun Biri (2023) and 40 Eid worshippers in Zamfara (2024) due to “poor intelligence” – yet no commanders were court-martialed .

• Border security funds vanish amid weapons proliferation: Over 450,000 firearms were seized in 2023–2024 , yet terrorists still import drones and explosives through “protected corridors” . Governor Zulum’s warning that “Borno is losing ground” underscores the collapse .

Former Defence Minister Bashir Magashi’s admission is damning: “Appropriations are siphoned through phantom contracts – bulletproof vests become substandard, surveillance drones never arrive.”

Security agencies now operate as autonomous criminal enterprises:

• EFCC “sting operations” continue despite a 2023 ban, with officers raiding nightclubs and assaulting citizens .

• DSS death squads illegally detain journalists and invade courts to re-arrest defendants .

• Police extortion networks institutionalize bribery at checkpoints, with officers paying superiors for “lucrative” postings .

This lawlessness is shielded by a judicial cabal: 72% of corruption cases against security elites stall indefinitely, while #EndSARS and other protesters remain jailed without trial .

While officials blame “foreign fighters,” evidence points to domestic complicity:

• Weapons pipelines flow through ports controlled by political godfathers. The 2023 Sokoto arms haul traced AK-47s to a former governor’s warehouse .

• Terrorist financiers named by the UAE in 2022 remain unprosecuted, with two holding VIP access to National Security Council meetings .

• Military promotions favor loyalists over competence. Major General Abdulsalam Abubakar’s recent appointment as Northeast commander – the 15th in 16 years – followed ISWAP’s drone strike killing 26 in Borno . No overhaul followed.

As it is today, Nigeria’s security crisis is not a resource problem but a crisis of malignant intent. As the CDD West Africa concludes: “When security agencies become profit centers, citizens become expendable commodities” . Until:

1. Budget transparency publishes monthly security spending;

2. Command accountability jails officers for operational failures;

3. Civilian oversight empowers independent investigators to audit arms deals;

4. Community militias receive legal recognition and direct funding, bypassing corrupt chains –

The bleeding will continue. The dead stump isn’t leaning; it’s being monetized.

The solution isn’t more and more speeches. It demands:

1. Targeted dismantling of supply networks: Track fuel sales, arrest collaborators, and publicize prosecutions.

2. Reform airstrike protocols: Mandate visual confirmation, integrate ground intelligence, and punish “mistakes” as war crimes .

3. Purge corruption: Audit security budgets; jail officers diverting funds while soldiers starve .

Until then, Musa’s words are ash in the wind – another confession without consequence, as Nigeria burns.

As historian Toyin Falola reminds us, nations leaning on dead stumps face only two futures: collapse or a deliberate uprooting to fertile ground. Nigeria’s dangerous perch at the nadir of coherence and hope demands urgent action. Fela’s eternal cry – “God Help Nigeria” – echoes still, but the response cannot come from heaven alone. It must spring from Nigerians finally reclaiming their soil, branch by branch, value by value, decomposing the corrupt systems to make space for institutions rooted in justice and nurtured by active, unwavering citizen agency. The alternative is not stagnation, but implosion. The time to step off the dead stump is now.

Picture a huge, old tree in a forest that’s been dead for a long time. Beetles ate it from the inside. Disease spread through it. Storms scarred it. But because it still looks tall, people keep leaning on it, trusting it to hold them up – even though it’s rotten inside and could collapse any moment. That dead tree stump is Nigeria.We’re leaning on the empty shell of a country. The things that made it strong – fairness, honesty, working together – are gone. We’re just holding onto the name and the land, pretending it’s still alive while the ground shakes under our feet.

But here’s the important thing: rotting wood isn’t just falling apart – it’s getting hot inside. Tiny things are breaking down the old wood, turning it back into soil that can grow new life. That heat? That’s our pain. It’s the families crying in Benue after the killings. It’s the fear of people kidnapped in Sokoto. It’s the sadness of doctors and nurses forced to leave the country. It’s the anger of farmers ignored by the government. This heat isn’t bad – it’s powerful. It’s a sacred power, a sign we can’t ignore how broken things are anymore. If we stay numb, if we keep pretending the dead stump is safe, the heat will explode – either in chaos that destroys everything, or as a fire we control to clear the way for something new.

So, what do we do? We have to stop leaning on the dead stump. It’s scary to step away. We might feel unsteady. But only then can our feet touch the good soil underneath – the soil made rich by the rotten wood. This soil is the truth we’ve forgotten:

• Real power belongs to ordinary people, not to thieves in big houses.

• Real safety comes from everyone getting fair treatment, not from letting the powerful do whatever they want.

• Real wealth is a healthy child, a good harvest from a safe farm, a bright student learning – not stolen oil money.

Building a new Nigeria means:

1. Stop admiring stolen wealth. Respect honest work instead.

2. Demand clean government. Leaders and thieves must face real consequences, not secret deals.

3. See each other as Nigerians first. Forget dividing lines like North/South or Christian/Muslim. Our strength is in our shared humanity and right to a good life.

Let the terrible killings in Benue and Sokoto be the final warning – the loud crack that tells us the dead stump is breaking. Let the government celebrating two years of failure be the last empty noise from the old ways.

But here’s the hope hidden in this mess: just like rotting wood eventually becomes rich soil that grows new trees, our pain and anger can become the fuel for rebuilding Nigeria. This won’t happen by wishing or waiting. It needs all of us to act, starting with practical steps we can take right now.

First, we must fix justice. We need special courts dedicated only to corruption cases – courts that work fast and can’t be bribed. If you steal money meant for pensions or fuel subsidies, you must pay back every single kobo and go to jail. No secret deals, no exceptions for big names.

Second, government must start working for the people, not the politicians. Leaders should be required to use Nigerian hospitals and schools like everyone else – no more flying abroad for treatment. Our oil wealth needs to be shared fairly: used to feed the hungry, fix rural clinics, and pay teachers properly so they stay.

Third, we have to choose unity over division. See each other first as Nigerians – not just as Christian, Muslim, Yoruba, or Hausa. Celebrate people who earn money honestly through hard work, not those who flaunt stolen wealth. Teach our children that good character – what the Yoruba call Ìwà lẹwà – is true beauty, worth more than flashy cars or empty fame.

Fourth, we must protect our homes and communities. Retrain the police and army to focus on protecting ordinary people, not just guarding politicians. Give communities safe, anonymous ways to report kidnappers and criminals so everyone feels safer.

Finally, change starts with us, every single day. Register to vote and actually hold leaders accountable for their promises. Support Nigerian businesses – buy local products to create jobs here at home. Mentor a child, plant a tree, clean your street. Rebuild Nigeria from the ground up, one act of responsibility at a time.

The choice is clear: we can keep leaning on the dead stump until it crashes down on us, or we can step onto the solid ground of truth and start planting new seeds for our future. This isn’t about politics; it’s about our survival and dignity. Our own traditions show us the way: the Yoruba value good character, the Hausa know that Gaskiya (truth) is greater than anything, and the Igbo teach Egbe bere, ugo bere – live and let live. We have the wisdom. We have the people. What we need now is the courage to act together.

Stop leaning on the rotten past. Feel the good soil beneath your feet – the soil made fertile by our shared struggle and hope. Start planting the seeds of a new Nigeria today. Remember this old wisdom, renewed for our time: “A tree rots from the roots, but mighty forests grow from scattered seeds.” Let’s be the ones who scatter those seeds.

The time for just leaning is over. The time for planting is now.

Gather the good seeds from our deepest traditions – the Yoruba Omoluabi (good character), the Hausa Gaskiya (truth), the Igbo Ezi Omume (righteous conduct). Plant them firmly in the burned ground of our disappointment. Water them with the tears of those who mourn and the hard work of those ready to rebuild. Protect these seeds with the organized will of a people who finally know their own strength.

The new Nigeria won’t grow overnight. It needs patience, hard work, and watching carefully so the old rot doesn’t come back. But it will grow. Not as a sad memory of the past, but as a living future where our children and grandchildren can finally find shelter and peace.

If you have read this far, I say:

Step off the dead stump. Feel the good soil. Start planting.

Politics

APC chairmen reject Wike’s coalition, demand defection

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FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike
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Several state chapters of the All Progressives Congress have rejected the Rainbow Coalition being promoted by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, with party leaders asking the former Rivers State governor to formally join the ruling party if he is genuinely committed to President Bola Tinubu’s re-election.

The reactions followed a renewed confrontation between Wike and APC governors over the political structure the FCT minister is assembling ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Wike is a Peoples Democratic Party member serving in a federal government led by an APC president.

The former Rivers governor was appointed FCT minister by Tinubu after the 2023 election, despite having remained a prominent PDP politician and having contested the presidency under the opposition party.

While some APC state chapters welcomed Wike’s support for Tinubu and said they would receive him if he decided to defect to the ruling party, others opposed the coalition outright, arguing that a politician could not simultaneously support the APC at the presidential level and candidates of other parties in governorship and legislative elections.

The development has exposed a growing disagreement within the President’s political camp over how support for his 2027 re-election should be organised and, more importantly, who should control the political structures through which such support is mobilised.

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The latest dispute was triggered by Zamfara State Governor and APC governor, Dauda Lawal, who told Wike to choose between joining the APC and remaining with the Rainbow Coalition.

Speaking in an interview with Channels Television’s Inside Sources on the sidelines of the 81st United Nations General Assembly in New York, Lawal said the position of the APC governors was unchanged.

“Our message is very, very clear: Be on one side. You can’t be on two sides. If you’re in APC, please come out and support APC. Not you’re supporting APC here, and you’re supporting other political parties somewhere else. It doesn’t make sense. It’s not done anywhere,” Lawal said.

The Zamfara governor added, “And that is why we maintain our stand, and it is very clear—the message is very clear. He can speak, he can say whatever he wants to say, but our position has been very, very clear: APC all the way from head to toe.”

Asked whether the governors were asking Wike to join the APC, Lawal responded, “Exactly. What’s the essence?”

He further disclosed that he intended to raise Wike’s political position with President Tinubu.

“It’s something that I will take up with the President when he comes back. So, let there be a very, very clear line where this guy belongs to. It’s either he’s in APC or he’s out. It’s simple. And I go with my brothers, the governors,” Lawal stated.

The demand has since received varying degrees of support from APC chapters across the country.

Coalition faces resistance

In Imo State, the APC Publicity Secretary, Jones Onwuasoanya, said Wike was attempting to maintain an ambiguous political position and urged him to formally identify with the ruling party.

“Decency demands that an individual who claims so much allegiance to the philosophies and programmes of a political party should fully align with that political party, rather than playing hide and seek with his loyalty to the party,” Onwuasoanya said.

He added, “If Wike is sincere about his support for President Tinubu, then he should join the APC and begin to campaign for our party across all positions rather than being selective.”

The Imo APC spokesman dismissed the Rainbow Coalition as a political structure with little relevance in the state.

“As long as the All Progressives Congress in Imo State is concerned, there is nothing like a Rainbow Coalition or whatever it might be called. The APC is the only viable political platform in Imo State and Imolites are fully aligned with us,” he said.

He maintained that the party was confident of victory in 2027, saying, “There is no political arrangement or structure outside the APC that poses any threat to our Party’s electoral chances.”

In Gombe, the APC Publicity Secretary, Murtala Usman, similarly urged Wike to complete his political transition to the ruling party.

“My opinion is the same as the people who are advising him to join APC because APC doesn’t need any rainbow coalition for now,” Usman said.

He warned that such an arrangement could create confusion within the ruling party.

“That rainbow coalition will cause some confusion in the APC because those who are stakeholders in the APC, particularly in some states, will find it very difficult to handle,” he stated.

Usman argued that recent defections of PDP governors to the APC had already created difficulties for some long-standing party members.

“So Wike should switch to APC completely. Since he is doing the work of APC, let him be a full member, not a partial member,” he said.

Ondo rejects selective support

The Ondo State APC also rejected the idea of a coalition that would support Tinubu for president while backing candidates from other parties in other elections.

The state party secretary, Alex Kalejaiye, said the arrangement was unacceptable to the chapter.

“We are disturbed that the coalition would only support President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in the general elections, but field candidates for other positions,” he said.

According to him, APC’s objective was to deliver all its candidates and not just the presidential candidate.

“To us in Ondo State, support for the candidates of the ruling party must be total; our party is committed to mobilising votes for the President, three senatorial, nine representatives, and 26 House of Assembly candidates. That is not negotiable,” Kalejaiye stressed.

He warned that supporting different parties on the same ballot could create confusion for voters and potentially complicate the electoral process.

The chapter therefore appealed to Wike to collapse the coalition into the APC.

“The APC could therefore appeal to Barr. Nyesom Wike, the leader of the coalition, to collapse his structures into the ruling party, so we could present a common front during the elections,” he said.

Jigawa welcomes Wike

In Jigawa State, the party said it welcomed Wike’s support for Tinubu and would gladly receive him if he decided to join the APC.

The state APC Publicity Secretary, Bashir Kundu, said, “We in the Jigawa APC welcome the contribution Wike is making in promoting the President and APC candidate for the 2027 election, Bola Tinubu. We will certainly welcome Nyesom Wike if he decides to join our party, the APC.”

Kundu also argued that the APC itself emerged from a coalition of political parties and could therefore accommodate politicians from different political backgrounds.

He dismissed concerns that Wike could harm the APC’s electoral interests, saying the party had its own structures and programme.

“I am not aware of such plans, but I know for sure that Wike will not cause that kind of harm to the APC because the party has its own programme,” he said.

In Benue State, reactions were more complicated, reflecting existing divisions within the state APC.

James Orgunga, the organising secretary of one of the APC factions, praised Wike for supporting Tinubu but said he would prefer the FCT minister to formally join the party.

“Wike has joined APC already, because he is working for the president; we appreciate that, but as a core party man, anyone working for the success of a candidate in my party should be praised,” Orgunga said.

“But I do not subscribe to a rainbow coalition and am of the opinion that Wike join our party.”

However, Daniel Ihomun, the publicity secretary of another faction loyal to Secretary to the Government of the Federation George Akume, offered a different view.

“He should not join APC; he should remain where he is because he has helped to destroy PDP for us,” Ihomun said.

He claimed that a Rainbow Coalition structure existed in Benue under what he described as the “Benue Strategic Alliance for Tinubu”, involving members of the APC, PDP and Labour Party.

Dual-loyalty concerns

In Rivers State, where Wike served as governor and remains a major political actor, the controversy has an additional dimension.

The factional APC led by Emeka Beke backed the Progressive Governors Forum’s opposition to the coalition.

The faction’s publicity secretary, Darlington Nwauju, said Wike could not simultaneously maintain loyalty to the PDP and work with the APC.

“The truth remains that if you look at the background or the context of Nigerian elections and if you cast your mind to the fact that the level of political education in Nigeria is still way behind,” Nwauju said.

He argued that asking voters to support candidates from different political parties at different levels could create confusion.

“You cannot confuse the electorate by thinking that you can order them into voting for candidate A in party A and candidate B in party B on the same election day,” he stated.

Nwauju said the APC governors were therefore justified in asking Wike to either join the party or stay away from its internal affairs.

“My belief is that the Progressive Governors Forum is in the right with the advisory that they have issued. Join the APC or leave her alone. You cannot stand [and] use your association with the APC to rebuild the PDP,” he said.

He further alleged that Wike’s activities could contribute to a revival of the PDP, describing that as a concern for the ruling party.

The Anambra State APC chairman, Senator Emmanuel Anosike, described Wike’s coalition as an affront to the party and its governors.

“It amounts to an insult to the integrity and sensibility of the APC and its governors for Wike to make such comments,” Anosike said.

He argued that Wike, as a PDP member, had no basis for intervening in the internal affairs of the APC.

“The minister is not a member of the party, hence should stop meddling in the internal affairs of the party,” he stated, noting that the APC governors had sufficient political structures to deliver Tinubu in 2027.

“Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State is the leader of the APC Governors Forum, and he is in full control of the party structures across the country through the members of the Forum and has shown capacity having delivered Mr President at his first term election and still has all that it takes to do it again in 2027,” he said.

He described Wike’s intervention as an attempt to remain politically relevant, adding that the Anambra APC did not recognise the Rainbow Coalition as an alternative political structure.

On its part, Kwara State APC chairman, Sunday Fagbemi, questioned the practicality of the Rainbow Coalition’s proposed electoral strategy.

Fagbemi described it as “a grand deception and a confusing strategy”, particularly because presidential, senatorial and House of Representatives elections are held simultaneously.

“What is the level of enlightenment of Nigerian voters? How do you explain to someone that, out of the five elections, at least three—the presidential, senatorial and House of Representatives elections—will be conducted on the same day?” he asked.

He continued, “Will you stand by the ballot box and tell a voter to vote for one party for President and another party for Senate? Even if that were possible, do you want to populate the National Assembly with opposition parties to the President? What kind of support are you giving the President that way?”

Fagbemi said APC members were expected to vote for the party’s candidates across the ballot.

“I believe the party has been very clear about this: if you are an APC member, the election is five out of five, not even three out of five. As APC members, everyone should vote for the party and its candidates,” he stated. (PUNCH)

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No politician can kill any opposition party in Nigeria – PDP replies Umahi

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David `Umahi
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The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in Ebonyi State has said that no politician can kill any opposition party in Nigeria.

The party also condemned a statement attributed to the Minister of Works and former governor of the state, David Umahi, in which he reportedly said he had “killed PDP” and would “unalive” the party if it attempted to regain political relevance ahead of the 2027 general elections.

It described the alleged remark as disturbing and inappropriate in a democratic environment, insisting that no individual politician, regardless of political position or influence, has the power to determine the existence or political participation of a registered political party.

The PDP Publicity Secretary in Ebonyi State, Prince Darlington Peter Onwe, stated this in a statement issued on Saturday in Abakaliki, against the backdrop of the emerging political activities ahead of the 2027 governorship election in the state.

Onwe said the alleged comment was particularly concerning because it was reportedly made in response to a question on whether Umahi supported the PDP governorship candidate, Ifeanyi Chukwuma Odii.

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According to him, a political disagreement over a candidate or party should ordinarily be addressed through political arguments, policy differences and competing programmes rather than language capable of being interpreted as threats.

He said, “The PDP is a political organisation, not an individual. It cannot be killed or unalive by any politician.

“Our party belongs to millions of Nigerians who believe in democracy, constitutional governance and the right of citizens to organise and contest elections.

“If Senator Umahi disagrees with the PDP or does not support our candidate, he is entitled to his political position. But disagreement must not be expressed in language that can reasonably be interpreted as a threat against the existence of a political party or the people associated with it.”

The opposition party consequently called on the minister to clarify what he meant by the phrase, “we will unalive it”, arguing that Nigerians deserved political competition based on ideas, records and programmes.

The PDP further said political parties were institutions that could outlive individual politicians, adding that its political history demonstrated that politicians could change platforms without determining the survival of the organisations they left.

The party also urged political leaders in Ebonyi to exercise restraint in their public statements, particularly as political activities intensify ahead of the 2027 elections.

It recalled that previous election cycles in the state had been characterised by allegations of political intimidation and confrontation, stressing that such experiences made responsible political communication essential.

The statement said, “Democracy requires that political parties and candidates be allowed to campaign, organise and seek the votes of citizens without fear.”

The PDP maintained that Odii and other members of the party had the constitutional right to participate in the 2027 electoral process, insisting that no politician could determine whether citizens exercised their political rights.

The party said it would continue to pursue its political objectives through peaceful and constitutional means, while calling on its members and supporters to remain calm and law-abiding.

It also urged security agencies and relevant institutions to pay attention to public statements that could heighten political tension ahead of the 2027 general elections.

“Elections are decided by the people, not by declarations that one politician has killed or will kill a political party. The ballot belongs to the people of Ebonyi State,” the party said.

The PDP challenged Umahi and other political actors in the state to engage the electorate on policies, development programmes and their respective records in governance rather than rhetoric that, in the party’s view, could deepen political apprehension.

The party’s position comes amid heightened political mobilisation in Ebonyi ahead of the 2027 governorship election, with the PDP expected to intensify its grassroots organisation and campaign activities.

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I left Anambra debt-free, Obi insists as NDC, OK Movement tackle Soludo

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Nigeria Democratic Congress presidential candidate, Peter Obi
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The presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, Peter Obi, has insisted that he did not borrow money or issue bonds on behalf of Anambra State during his eight years as governor.

Obi, who spoke on Arise TV’s Prime Time programme on Thursday, said his administration left office in March 2014 without owing salaries, gratuities, pensions or contractors whose jobs had been executed, certified and verified.

The former governor was responding to questions over recent allegations by the Anambra State Government that his administration left outstanding debt and other liabilities for successive governments to service.

“Let me categorically state again: I, Mr Peter Obi, did not approach any financial institution to borrow money or issue bonds on behalf of Anambra State in the eight years I was in government.

“On the day I left office, the government of Anambra State, which I headed, was not owing any salary, gratuity, or pension to those scheduled to be paid by the state government.

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We were not owing any contractor or supplier who executed his job, certified and verified—not one,” he said.

Obi said the loans being attributed to his administration were not funds he personally obtained from financial institutions, arguing that some of the funding arrangements were supported by the Federal Government.

“I didn’t go to obtain it. But what I’m saying, assuming that your father left you with an inheritance of N100m, and suddenly somebody comes up and says your father is owing N10m. Are you going to go to the market and say your father left you with debts? Unless there’s another thing, you’ll be unfair,” he said.

He explained that the Federal Government had selected Anambra, Ekiti and Bauchi states to receive concessionary multilateral support because of their performance in education.

“There’s a difference between I went to the bank to borrow money, then the Federal Government sees, ‘Oh, this state is doing well in education.’ They selected Anambra, Ekiti, and Bauchi and said, ‘These three states are doing well. Why don’t we give them a concessionary multilateral support to help them?’”

Obi said the funding, which involved the World Bank, was not obtained by Anambra from a commercial bank.

“Yes, and the World Bank,” Obi said, when the interviewer asked whether the funding was a decision by the Federal Government to provide support.

“To support us. Not that we go to the World Bank and say give me this, not that we go to any commercial bank. And to even make it more… when it came, if you look at State Education Programme Investment Project (SEPIP), you will see that the drawdown was well after I left office.”

He added that even if the entire amount in question had been drawn down, there would have been sufficient funds left to cover it.

“I’ve assumed the whole and said even if that was the case, there was enough left to pay it, and the state will still be at the best financial standing,” he said.

Obi further argued that undrawn funds under a loan facility should not be regarded as debt incurred by the government.

“Even if I had gone to a bank and borrowed money—even if I had gone to a bank and borrowed money, but I did not spend the money, you cannot call it debt I left.

“Assuming I have gone to the bank and said, ‘Bank A, borrow me loan, Give me a loan of N10 billion. And they gave me a loan of 10 billion Naira, and I only drew down 500 million; you cannot now say I’m owing 10 billion because you know the amount. That’s why I said it is not proper public sector accounting.”

To support his position, Obi cited former Debt Management Office Director-General, Abraham Nwankwo, who he said served for 10 years.

He said Nwankwo had invited him to chair his send-off ceremony and publicly stated that Obi was the only governor in Nigeria who never visited his office to seek approval to borrow money.

“To even confirm this: the then DG… Abraham Nwankwo, who was DG of Debt Management Office, served for 10 years. The day he left office, at his send-off party, he invited me as the chairman, and he announced to everybody at that party that the reason why he made me chairman is that I was the only governor in Nigeria who never came to his office for approval to borrow money,” he said.

The dispute followed recent criticism from the Anambra State Government, which has alleged that Obi left outstanding external loans and other liabilities.

The state government recently challenged Obi to quit the 2027 presidential race, accusing him of leaving outstanding external loans and salary, pension and gratuity arrears, and of breaking earlier pledges on debt and timely payment of workers.

Through its New Media Office and Commissioner for Information and Value Reorientation, Dr Law Mefor, the state alleged that eight external borrowings contracted during Obi’s tenure left an outstanding balance of about N127.4 billion (from $123.77 million) as of June 30, 2026, which continues to be serviced from federal allocations.

It also referenced salary arrears, including at the Water Corporation, and disputed Obi’s claim of leaving more than N2.13 billion in an ecological fund account.

Obi had previously vowed to stop campaigning if it was proven he left the state in debt or with unpaid certified contractor obligations.

NDC, OK Movement tackle Soludo

The NDC and the Peter Obi-backed OK Movement have criticised Anambra State Governor, Prof Chukwuma Soludo, over his continued attacks on Obi as the political battle ahead of the 2027 presidential election intensifies.

The NDC National Publicity Secretary, Osa Director, described Soludo’s attacks on Obi as a distraction, alleging that the Anambra governor was acting at the behest of unnamed political interests.

Director disclosed this in an exclusive phone interview with The PUNCH.

He said, “This is more like a distraction that Obi is having. Soludo is the man on the spot right now, apparently doing someone’s bidding to destroy his own brother. He seems to be taking this too far, and it is very petty of him.”

The Director-General of the OK Movement, John Ughulu, in an exclusive interview with our correspondent, also urged Soludo to focus on governing Anambra State rather than making Obi the centre of his political attacks.

Ughulu said the movement respected Soludo’s decision to support President Bola Tinubu and the APC in 2027, but argued that political differences should not turn into a continuous campaign against Obi.

He said, “We believe Soludo should focus his energy and attention on the task of governing Anambra State and delivering on the mandate entrusted to him by the people.

“Obi left office as governor 12 years ago. The people of Anambra are mature and capable of assessing the records of previous administrations and comparing them with the realities they experience today. They do not need political actors to tell them how to evaluate the past.

“We equally respect Prof Soludo’s political choice to support President Bola Tinubu and the APC in the 2027 presidential election. Every Nigerian has the constitutional right to support the candidate or political platform of his or her choice.

“However, political disagreement should not become a continuous campaign against another individual.”

According to him, Obi’s growing popularity across the South-East and other parts of the country was a political reality that should be countered with stronger policies and programmes rather than personal attacks.

The OK Movement DG added that since Soludo was not a presidential candidate in 2027, there was little value in turning the election into a permanent contest with Obi.

He said, “The growing popularity of Peter Obi across the South East and other parts of Nigeria is a political reality that cannot be wished away. The appropriate response to popularity in a democracy is to present a stronger vision, policies and programmes, not personal attacks.

“The OK Movement has deliberately instructed its members and supporters not to be distracted by unnecessary or divisive exchanges. Our focus remains on issues that matter to Nigerians: good governance, economic development, security, institutional accountability, equity, justice and competent leadership.

“Soludo is not a candidate in the 2027 presidential election. If his political objective is to support the APC presidential campaign, he is entitled to do so. But there is little value in allowing the politics of 2027 to become a permanent contest with Peter Obi.

“We therefore encourage him to concentrate on the development of Anambra and allow the people to make their own independent assessment of every political leader and administration.

“The OK Movement will continue to promote issue-based politics, peaceful democratic engagement and responsible political discourse. We will not be distracted. Nigeria will be OK.”

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