Nigerian Army Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, has explained the motivation behind an alleged plan to overthrow Nigeria’s democratically elected government in a coup d’état, saying the plot was driven by patriotism, concern over worsening conditions in the country and what he described as a desire to rescue Nigeria from a dangerous trajectory.

Ma’aji allegedly spearheaded the plan, which was uncovered in September 2025 before it could be executed, triggering the arrest and interrogation of serving and retired military officers as well as civilians suspected of playing various roles in the alleged conspiracy.

In 2025, after more than three decades of Nigeria’s clean break from military coups, the alleged attempt resulted in a series of arrests and interrogations involving military personnel and civilians accused of participating in the alleged plan to topple President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

In its first official reaction to the matter, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) did not categorically deny that the military officers were involved in an alleged coup plot. Instead, it said the “ongoing investigation involving” the arrested officers was “a routine internal process aimed at ensuring discipline and professionalism is maintained within the ranks.”

The alleged plot, uncovered in late September 2025, unsettled the Tinubu administration and was followed, among other developments, by the cancellation of the October 1 Independence Day Parade and changes in the military hierarchy, including the removal of then Chief of Defence Staff, Christopher Musa.

Although media reports linked the cancellation of the parade to the alleged coup plot, the DHQ explained that the event was called off to enable the President “attend a strategic bilateral meeting outside the country.”

The DHQ later acknowledged that there had indeed been an alleged plot to oust the Tinubu government and said indicted officers would face military judicial panels.

Drawing on interviews with intelligence sources, Premium Times has extensively reported on the alleged conspiracy, beginning with the initial arrest of 16 serving military officers in September.

By February, about 40 people, including senior military officers across the armed forces, a police officer and civilians allegedly involved in reconnaissance, funding and propaganda activities, had been arrested in connection with the alleged conspiracy.

For the first time, however, this newspaper is reporting authoritatively in a series of exclusive publications based on a trove of confidential documents running into about 7,424 pages.

The documents include bank statements, exchanges on encrypted messaging platforms, hotel receipts and records of items purchased, as well as statements from participants and non-participants whose financial dealings allegedly linked them to the suspected coup planners.

Ma’aji, a 50-year-old Nigerian colonel who failed his promotion examination to the rank of brigadier general twice, explained to military investigators how he conceived the alleged plot and the motivation behind it.

Ma’aji was arrested on September 29, 2025, the same day the Nigerian government cancelled the Independence Day parade.

According to statements signed by him and a military investigator at the headquarters of the Nigerian Army Corps of Military Police (NACMP) in Asokoro, Abuja, he was interrogated between October 18, 2025 and February 19, 2026.

In April, the Federal Government filed 13 charges against six individuals accused of being involved in the alleged coup plot.

They are retired Major-General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana, retired Navy Captain Erasmus Ochegobia Victor, Police Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, electrician Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni and Zaria-based Islamic cleric Abdulkadir Sani.

While the former military officers and civilians are being tried in a civil court, serving military officers, including Ma’aji, are facing trial before a court-martial.

According to documents reviewed for this report, more than 30 officers and civilians were interrogated by military investigators. Their statements form part of the prosecution’s case, although their admissibility remains contested after several defendants told the court that the statements were not made voluntarily.

The dispute prompted the court to order a trial-within-trial to determine whether the statements were obtained voluntarily before ruling on whether they could be admitted as evidence in the substantive proceedings.

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In his statement, Ma’aji, an officer from Niger State, said the alleged plot dated back to 2023, towards the end of former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration.

He attributed the beginning of the idea to concerns over corruption, alleged nepotism, insecurity, kidnapping and banditry, particularly across northern Nigeria.

“Things particularly got out of control towards the end of Buhari’s administration when corruption and nepotism became the order of the day. Insecurity started spreading from the North (east) to the North-west and North-central parts of the country. Kidnapping and banditry engulfed the whole of northern Nigeria,” Ma’aji stated.

He said the deteriorating situation became “critical and precarious,” with troops and civilians losing their lives, adding that it was at that point that “the idea of military intervention started.”

According to him, the military hierarchy was expected to act but failed to do so.

“It was expected that the higher hierarchy of the military could have acted to save the situation. Unfortunately, there was no action from the top,” he said.

Ma’aji said the movement initially involved identifying officers who shared concerns about what he considered the deteriorating condition of the country and bringing them into the scheme.

“Most of the officers involved share the same sense of patriotism, love of country and genuine desire for positive change,” he said.

Ma’aji said the alleged plan could not initially be executed because of difficulties in raising funds, logistics and manpower.

He told investigators that much of the money spent came from his personal resources, including proceeds from the sale of personal property, alongside contributions from some members of the group.

He said he sold three houses in Kaduna State and a students’ hostel at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, in an effort to support the movement.

The colonel said one officer contributed N1 million through a bank account, while another made contributions in foreign currency.

The plan was later revived after Ma’aji failed his second promotion attempt in 2024.

He said some officers became concerned that he could be prematurely retired and urged him to revive the movement.

According to Ma’aji, Lieutenant Colonel Shamsuddeen Bappah was among those who strongly pushed for the revival.

He said Bappah travelled from his unit in Ibadan to Abuja to convince him that they had no option but to revive the movement.

Ma’aji said he raised concerns about logistics and manpower because he had already exhausted significant personal resources, but Bappah insisted that the plan should continue.

The officer subsequently promised to sell personal property to support the movement but later informed Ma’aji that he had been unable to find a buyer.

Ma’aji said he subsequently asked whether other officers remained committed to the plan and was assured that they were.

He said the first meeting took place towards the end of 2024 or early 2025, while subsequent meetings were held at different locations in Abuja, with largely the same officers attending and some new members joining.

Ma’aji said his failed promotion attempts were not the primary motivation behind the alleged plot.

According to him, members of the movement believed that Nigeria’s situation had deteriorated further under President Tinubu compared with the Buhari administration.

He cited the removal of fuel subsidy, the floating of the naira, what he described as dubious and multiple taxation, electricity tariff increases, corruption and widespread insecurity as major concerns.

He also said attempts by young Nigerians to have political leaders listen to their grievances had failed, citing the #EndSARS, #EndBadGovernance and Take Back Your Country protests.

According to Ma’aji, excessive force used by security agencies against demonstrators contributed to growing frustration.

He described the average Nigerian youth as frustrated, unemployed and without a clear means of livelihood or hope for the future.

He also lamented the situation of military veterans and retired personnel, saying some had been forced to protest before receiving their pensions, gratuities and other benefits.

In a lengthy statement, Ma’aji repeatedly insisted that the alleged plan was motivated by patriotism rather than personal ambition.

He said he struggled to raise his five children on his salary and questioned how ordinary military personnel could afford quality education and other basic needs amid the country’s economic difficulties.

He also expressed concern about the welfare of wounded soldiers, pointing to the situation at the 44 Nigerian Army Reference Hospital in Kaduna.

According to him, soldiers and officers who sustained injuries in combat had been abandoned to their fate.

He said these concerns reinforced his belief that Nigeria was heading towards a dangerous point.

“The summary of all this is that this action was driven by the desire to have a prosperous nation and country that we all can be proud of,” he stated.

Ma’aji said he believed Nigeria was becoming a “banana republic” and argued that the country had functioned better under military rule.

He said officers and soldiers shared many of the concerns and that the movement was built around recruiting those who genuinely believed that Nigeria needed a change of direction.

The documents also contain Ma’aji’s account of how the group allegedly sought support from military personnel and civilians.

He identified several individuals who, according to his statement, were aware of or allegedly connected to different aspects of the plan.

However, he also specifically denied involvement by a number of officers and said some senior officers who were initially aware of the discussions subsequently withdrew.

Ma’aji said the movement never reached the stage of a fully constituted team because more meetings, resources and personnel were still required.

He also said no definitive “D-Day” had been agreed.

Some of the operational details contained in his statement concern proposed mobilisation, communications, weapons and the intended treatment of senior government and military officials.

Those allegations remain matters before the courts and are not proof that any such plan was actually executed.

Ma’aji further denied discussing the alleged plot with several senior officers whose names had circulated in connection with the investigation.

He said some officers were merely aware of general concerns within the military and were not necessarily participants in the alleged conspiracy.

Former Bayelsa State Governor Timipre Sylva, who was alleged to be a major financier of the coup plot, has vehemently denied any involvement in the conspiracy.

Sylva, a former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources under Buhari, issued the denial through his spokesperson in October 2025 following a security raid on his Abuja residence.

The statement described him as a “thoroughbred democrat” who could not have been involved in such a plot, insisting that he “has no involvement whatsoever—either in planning or in logistics—with any such plot.”

It added that Sylva and his wife were in the United Kingdom at the time for a routine medical check-up and were expected to travel to Malaysia for a professional conference.

The former governor is not known to have returned to Nigeria since then.

Meanwhile, five people associated with him are facing charges over allegations that they concealed his whereabouts, while nine properties linked to him have been placed under interim forfeiture orders.

In his statement, Ma’aji also offered recommendations which he said could prevent a recurrence of such incidents.

He called for improved remuneration for members of the Nigerian Armed Forces, arguing that their salaries were inadequate given current economic realities and inflation.

On welfare, he called for stronger packages for serving personnel and their families, better treatment of casualties, expansion of the COAS Loan Programme, a review of the Armed Forces National Health Insurance Scheme, sustainable housing programmes and the revival of previous car-loan initiatives.

He also called for a dedicated department within the Armed Forces focused on personnel welfare.

On what he described as “godfatherism”, Ma’aji criticised a system in which officers allegedly struggle to advance without influential backing, noting that some personnel spend years on operations while others rarely serve in conflict zones.

He also called for improved pensions for retired personnel, saying veterans deserved better treatment after sacrificing their working lives for the country.

On fuel subsidy removal, Ma’aji argued that the policy should have been phased rather than implemented suddenly, describing its impact as “anti-human”.

He called on the Federal Government to invest savings from subsidy removal in practical projects capable of reducing hardship and urged the revival of mass transit initiatives.

He also called for stronger action against corruption, citing high-profile corruption cases as examples of what he believed had undermined confidence in the system.

Ma’aji criticised the state of education, budget padding and what he described as the inability of many military personnel to afford housing and school fees for their children despite years of service.

He further called for an institutionalised communication channel through which military personnel could directly raise concerns with the Chief of Army Staff without fear of victimisation.

Towards the end of his statement, Ma’aji said his experience in detention and interrogation had changed his perspective.

He said that if released and the underlying problems persisted, he would consider “a different approach,” but added that his interactions with the panel had shown him that there were alternative ways of expressing grievances.

He appealed to the authorities for forgiveness and leniency, saying the alleged plot had not resulted in injury or the release of any bullet.

He said the incident had served as an eye-opener and changed his mindset.

“If God willing, the authority is kind enough to pardon us, we will never contemplate this course of action again in the future,” he said.

Ma’aji maintained that the alleged plan was not intended to destabilise Nigeria but was born out of what he described as patriotism, love of country and a desire for a prosperous nation.

He also appealed for an opportunity for those involved to interact directly with the authorities, plead for forgiveness and commit themselves not to repeat the alleged course of action.

Ma’aji and the other accused persons facing trial before the General Court Martial have denied wrongdoing.

Six other defendants, including retired military officers facing charges arising from the alleged plot before the Federal High Court in Abuja, have similarly maintained their innocence.

They have challenged the admissibility of written statements and video recordings of their interrogations, arguing that the materials were improperly obtained.

The prosecution, however, maintains that due process was followed and has urged the court to dismiss the objections.

The claims contained in Ma’aji’s written and verbal statements, as well as statements made by other people interrogated over the alleged coup, do not in themselves establish guilt.

The courts will ultimately determine the guilt or innocence of the defendants at the conclusion of the ongoing proceedings after considering the totality of evidence presented by both the prosecution and defence. (Premium Times)