
News
Igbo abused, called greedy after playing a major role in shaping Lagos, Abuja — Iwuanyanwu
You recently played host to former President Olusegun Obasanjo at your residence in Owerri, Imo State. The meeting was described as symbolic. Would you like to share some of those issues of mutual interest that the leadership of Ohanaeze Ndigbo discussed with Obasanjo?
The visit was purely a private one obviously but the situation in Nigeria today is so bad, so critical that it must be discussed when leaders meet and I don’t think anybody needs to be told the situation of the country. Things are not good and it Is important to underline the fact that it is not proper to blame this government for what is happening because this is a combination of errors and failures of many past administrations. But the worst situation is in not taking step, not taking action.
I believe that the government in the past few days has taken some steps which have given some confidence to Nigerians. When they have taken step to suspend somebody who actually was suspected to have done a wrong thing, mind you, she has not been convicted by any law court but it’s normal to suspend her and if she is free, that is, if she is not found guilty, she will come back to her job. The government has taken practical steps to show they identify with the sufferings of the masses by cutting down the entourage because the entourage of Mr President’s recent visit abroad was embarrassing. We are talking about over 500 people following an entourage, it is very embarrassing.
Amalgamation
One thing is clear, in 1914 when Lugard amalgamated Nigeria, the country had ethnic nationalities, people with different cultures, languages and religions. It was clear to us at that time that the survival of Nigeria would depend on our ability to manage our differences. And of course, our forebears, before independence, were able to manage it. The military intervention in 1966 was absolutely very unfortunate; it was the saddest thing that ever happened to Nigeria. Unfortunately, that was blamed on the Igbo but there was no reason for Igbo to topple that government but it was blamed on us.
Now, that particular government before independence had a constitution, a true federal constitution, a constitution that could actually apply without a lot of strain to a people who have diverse backgrounds like Nigeria. We had a true federal constitution in 1960/1963 that worked for us. Later on, they changed to unitary constitution which is not right.

Now, that is why we in Igbo land are saying please, let us have a true federal constitution. What we are operating today is a unitary government. It doesn’t work for a people who have diverse backgrounds.
Unitary Government
Take many countries for instance, if you go to a place like Britain, you have Scotland, you have Wales, and you have England. They have a constitution that binds them together and it’s working for them. If you go to America, we are supposed to be following their kind of constitution, what they have is not a unitary government.
Every state in America has got a certain level of autonomy. Now, I believe that the government of Bola Tínubu should take steps to see if we can actualize this restructuring of Nigeria. Without a proper restructuring, Nigeria will continue to have problems. There is no way this country can survive. Today, everybody is talking of presidency; in a restructured Nigeria, the presidency will not attract so much attention as it does today. Because today, every power is vested in the President.
Rail Project
As I said last time, for example, a child who is born in South-South or South-East in the past 30 to 40 years has not even seen a train before. He doesn’t know what it’s all about. But we have borrowed money and the whole money we borrowed was invested in railway line from Western Nigeria to North -West. So these are some of the problems we have because South-East and South-South were not in power. Now, coming specifically to one of the Igbo, our own is very serious. It’s very, very serious. We feel very sad about what is happening to us.
When we came together as one country, Lagos became my capital. Naturally, in every country in the world, people all work together to develop their capital. The moment Lagos was made the capital of Nigeria in 1914, it was the duty of all Nigerians to come together to develop our capital. Our capital, Lagos, became the pride of our country. Ndigbo came in and participated. I must tell you, Igbo, by nature, once they say they are with you, they are with you.
They are people who, when they commit, they keep to it. They did a lot to develop the place. We are not saying that Igbo built Lagos alone. No, they couldn’t have built Lagos alone. We didn’t say that there were no other inhabitants, there were.
So, the point is that they played a major role in shaping the destiny of Lagos today. Now, the same thing with Abuja. When Abuja was made the federal capital, Igbo moved in. Today, Igbo are being abused and insulted, people call us greedy because of our efforts to develop Abuja and Lagos.
Following reports of anti-Igbo activities in areas like Lagos, Abuja and other parts of the country, could you give us a bit more detail into that, the experiences of your people, and what the Peace and Reconciliation Committee being set up by the Ohanaeze Ndigbo hopes to achieve?
Before the last elections, there had been information, unverified information circulating in many circles that Igbo had dominated and had major investments in Abuja and Lagos. There is no statistics that proved that Igbo have majority investments in Lagos and Abuja, but people believe and peddle the unverified information.
Now, after the elections, the presidential candidate the Igbo supported won in Abuja and Lagos. It was now confirmed by all these people who were against the Igbo that the only way to handle Igbo is to cripple them. They used the word ‘cripple’. Several clandestine meetings were held in places where people said that it was now important to cripple the Igbo and that the only way to cripple them was by crippling their businesses in Lagos and Abuja.
Due Process
This information gets to us, it gets to me as the leader of Ndigbo. I have got this information, I don’t believe the information but, you see, when I see certain things happening, for example, suddenly after the election, Igbo buildings were demolished in various places with excuses. I have investigated the demolitions in Lagos for example, and it is very clear to me that some of them didn’t follow the process of law.
You cannot come anywhere and start demolishing somebody’s structure without telling him. In the first place, in every place, when a building is going on, if the person has violated the construction, the building people must go to that place and mark it.
But these people just come in without any court order and demolish the buildings. This is not a proper thing. We have raised our objection and I’m glad to observe that I think the government of Lagos State and all those doing this have stopped. I’m happy because we are not objecting to the government acquiring any property for overriding public interest. They can, it’s the right of any government. But the government must follow the right process.
However, it is sad for somebody who has come into a place, invested his life saving, and suddenly wakes up one morning and sees his building demolished or a child who went to school and before he came back, the house where he left in the morning was demolished. There is also the threat that whatever the Igbo have licensed for would not be renewed. Igbo may not get contracts too. But on the issue of contracts, to be honest, most of the Igbo businesses buy contracts from other people because we don’t get.
Reconciliation Committee
Let me tell you about the Truth and Reconciliation Committee. This matter has become so much that I have decided that the best thing to do is to expose the fact and let Nigerians know the truth. One malicious falsehood against the Igbo was the Civil War and then the coup of 1966. Igbo were blamed for the 1966 coup.
The coup was a military operation and many other coups have come after that led by other groups. I believe that it’s unfair for Nigerians to brand it, of course, the coup was very bad.
We are not happy that great leaders like Ahmadu Bello, Tafawa Balewa and others were killed. But they forget to say that that coup failed and the person who made it to fail was an Igbo man, General Ironsi. And even Ironsi was later killed. And that is how all these troubles we have started.
Aburi Accord
Even this secession, we went to Aburi in Ghana for peace conference and, in Aburi, we agreed on certain restructuring of Nigeria to make it easy for us in the South-East and South-South but it was violated. Today, young Igbo are talking about secession and they are serious about it. They are serious because they don’t see any future for themselves in Nigeria.
They think they don’t have any future in politics, business, and so on but we the older ones have been begging them because we know there are potentials, there are a lot of opportunities and, above all, we believe in God Almighty.
So this committee has been set up and we’re going to produce our own story about the events in Nigeria from 1966. We’re going to produce a book which we are going to keep in Nigeria for posterity to know the position of Igbo because, today, a young northerner, for example, will think Igbo hate northerners by killing two great leaders from the North. It’s not true.
So, the committee will put the story, it will be clear what the position is. The committee will also make contact with leaders in all the various ethnic groups and then find out. I’m not saying Igbo are angels, Igbo definitely must have made some mistakes, must have done things wrong in those places. So, this Committee on Peace and Reconciliation will also find out what Igbo are doing wrong in all the various places and then, we will try to make effort to get them through because it’s not only going to tell our story, but also visit all these places because Igbo are everywhere and it is our culture and tradition to invest and develop any place we live in.
You said you’ve been able to investigate that most of these demolitions were racially motivated. Where is your proof?
The demolition of Igbo properties in Lagos was brought to me as the leader of Ndigbo. I sent some members of the National Assembly to go and find out the facts. They went and brought me reports. I sent some leading Igbo in Lagos. They brought me the facts. Most of the reports were conflicting.
Some of them said that the people didn’t obey (rules); some said they were given notice and so on. I know Igbo very well, I know that no Igbo man will go and gamble with his money when he knows it can be lost. Igbo have lived in Ikeja, Yaba, Apapa, Ebute Meta, Ikoyi, Victoria Island and many other areas in Lagos, and we have never in history heard the story that Igbo don’t obey laws, that they go and build without obeying law. That is not part of our character. And knowing my people very well, so I decided to go and find out myself.
‘Omo onile’
I traveled and went to Abule Ado (site of demolition of Igbo properties) and I spent over six hours there. I was there that day until about 8 pm. I saw everything. They told me their story. The truth is that one, the land was not government land. They bought it from the villagers, they call them ‘Omo onile’.
It’s a native land. That means at the time they bought the land, there was no municipal planning. You know in some parts of Nigeria today, natives sell lands and you can buy and build. So they bought land from the villagers and started developing. At the time they bought land, they didn’t know if there were any issues.
Later on, the government planned a layout there and put roads. That is fine. As a people, we are not objecting to it. We want anything the government think it can do to develop Lagos.
However in doing that, the government must take the following steps: One, go to court, get a court injunction, assess the property and pay compensation to property owners because these people have bought it from the villagers. So, the government should first of all value the land and pay compensation. That is all we want. We are not telling the government not to carry out their duty. Government has a right anywhere to do that but citizens must be paid. We are all Nigerians and this time people are suffering, people are in difficulty. Part of the thing the government should do now is to produce, bring unity, peace and happiness.
Detention
Again, there is a man, one Nwajiaku, an Eze in Lagos, one of the prominent Igbo in Lagos. He has been in detention because they said he mentioned the name of IPoB. This man has been in detention. Every effort to get him out has failed. By the time I went to Lagos, I went to Lagos about three weeks ago, and he was still in detention. The offense he was alleged to have committed was bailable offense. I don’t see why Eze Nwajiaku should be kept in prison because it’s a bailable offence.
Sunday Vanguard

Health
NAFDAC urges Stakeholders to lead vigilance on Antimicrobial Resistance, Adverse Drug Reactions
The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) has called on stakeholders and Nigerians to lead vigilance against Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) to medicines/drugs and Adverse Drug Reactions (ADR).
The Director-General of NAFDAC, Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, made the call on during a one-day Pharmacovigilance Workshop and Stakeholders Town Hall Meeting in Enugu.
Represented by NAFDAC’s Director, South-East Zone, Dr Festus Ukadike, the director-general noted that the gravest consequences of irrational medicine use today is AMR.
She explained that the misuse and overuse of antibiotics had accelerated the emergence of resistant microorganisms that no longer respond to conventional treatment.
“This means that infections previously treatable with common antibiotics are becoming increasingly difficult and expensive to manage.
“If urgent action is not taken, antimicrobial resistance may reverse decades of medical progress and place humanity at serious risk.

“This is why Pharmacovigilance is extremely important. Pharmacovigilance refers to the science and activities relating to the detection, assessment, understanding, and prevention of adverse effects or any other medicine-related problems.
“In simple terms, Pharmacovigilance helps us ensure that medicines remain safe and effective even after they have been approved and released into the market,” she said.
Adeyeye noted that no medicine is completely free from side effects.
“However, through effective Pharmacovigilance systems, healthcare professionals and patients can identify harmful reactions early, report them appropriately, and help regulatory authorities take necessary actions to protect the public,” she said.
She said that Pharmacovigilance remained a core mandate of the agency, adding that stakeholders and general public should play active part in monitoring AMR and ADR to ensure effectiveness of medicine and treatment.
Speaking, the Chairman, Enugu State Traditional Rulers’ Council, Igwe Samuel Asadu, commended NAFDAC for the workshop, while urging the agency to put more effort in curbing sales of fake medicines in the hinterlands.
Asadu said that Pharmacovigilance was needed more in the hinterlands of the state to stop people paddling fake medicines and “selling outright chalk as medicine in villages in the state”.
He gave the commitment of royal fathers in the state in providing necessary support to NAFDAC to check paddlers of fake medicines, “as we see our people die due to their activities.”
Corroborating, the State Coordinator of World Health Organization (WHO), Dr Adaeze Ugwu, said that the organisation would continue to support NAFDAC in the agency’s resolve to strengthen food and healthcare in the country.
Also, Dr Oliver Ezemba, Chairman, Nigerian Association of Patent and Proprietory Medicine Dealers (NAPPMED), urged everybody to get concerned on the issues of AMR and ADR to guarantee quality medicines for everyone.
Ezemba called on Nigerians to imbibe the habit of reporting any irregularities observed while using a medicine to NAFDAC for proper investigation, which would serve the benefit of many Nigerians using same medicine.
The participants asked questions on AMR and ADR as well as made pledge on reporting any suspectable AMR or ADR case through the NAFDAC’s Med Safety Mobile App using their cellphone or computer set.
In the workshop, a presentation was made on “Need for Effective Pharmacovigilance by All’, delivered by Mr Chidi Uche and Mrs Ogechi Udeh, who are NAFDAC officials.

News
Coup trial: Accused colonel rejects military court
The second accused person in the charges brought against 36 persons accused of alleged mutiny and plot to overthrow the government of President Bola Tinubu, Col Mohammed Ma’aji, has challenged the jurisdiction of the Defence Headquarters Garrison General Court Martial sitting in Asokoro, Abuja, to hear the case.
Ma’aji, in a preliminary objection filed before the court martial in charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM, between the Armed Forces of Nigeria and Brig Gen M.A. Sadiq, Col Ma’aji, alongside 35 others, urged the court martial to strike out the charges instituted against him, arguing that the military tribunal lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the case.
Ma’aji, in the objection, contended that the charges were fundamentally defective and incompetent in law.
The objection, brought pursuant to Rules 36(1) and 37(1) of the Rules of Procedure Army 1972, urged the tribunal to make an order striking out and/or dismissing the charges against the 2nd Accused.
“Take notice that the 2nd accused hereby objects to the jurisdiction of the General Court Martial to entertain Counts One to Nine of the charges preferred against the 2nd Accused in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM, namely ARMED FORCES OF NIGERIA V. BRIG. GEN. M. A. SADIQ (N/10321) & 35 ORS and hereby prays the General Court Martial for the following reliefs:
“An Order striking out and/or dismissing the charges against the 2nd Accused in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM for lack of jurisdiction. An order declining jurisdiction to entertain the charge as constituted.

“And for such further order(s) as the Honourable General Court Martial may deem fit to make in the circumstances.”
The second accused in the charge also argued that the complainant, listed as the Armed Forces of Nigeria, lacked the legal capacity to institute criminal proceedings.
According to Ma’aji, “The complainant (Armed Force of Nigeria) is not a juristic person and thereby lacks the requisite competence to initiate and prosecute the criminal proceedings in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM.”
Ma’aji further maintained that because the complainant allegedly lacked legal personality, the General Court Martial was equally deprived of jurisdiction to hear the matter.
Citing several Supreme Court and Court of Appeal authorities, including Green v. Green, Fawehinmi v NBA, and Mothercat Nig Ltd v Reg. Trustees of the Full Gospel Assembly Nig, the defence argued that only natural persons or entities expressly recognised by law could sue or be sued.
The written address submitted in support of the objection stated, “The name ‘Armed Forces of Nigeria’ described as ‘complainant’ in Charge No: DHQ/GAR/ABJ/49/ADM is unknown to law and destitute of any legal capacity to exercise Prosecutorial powers in respect of the charges preferred against the 2nd Accused.”
The second accused also challenged the competence of counts one to nine of the charge, which allegedly accused him of inciting other officers to join a plot to overthrow President Tinubu.
Ma’aji insisted that the allegations contained in the particulars of the charges did not fall within the offence of mutiny as contemplated under Section 52(1)(b) of the Armed Forces Act, 2004.
He argued that the particulars of the charge “disclose offences against the Sovereign State otherwise known as the Federal Republic of Nigeria and constitutional order rather than offences relating to military or service discipline or command structure.”
He maintained that the phrase “plot to overthrow the government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria” contained in the charge could not be equated with “lawful authority in the Federation” as envisaged under Section 52(3) of the Armed Forces Act.
“It is submitted that the Federal Republic of Nigeria does not fall within the phrase ‘a lawful authority in the Federation’ as used in Section 52(3) of the Armed Forces Act, Laws of Federation, 2004,” Ma’aji contended.
Relying on constitutional provisions and judicial precedents, he argued that the court-martial, being a tribunal of limited jurisdiction, could not extend its powers beyond what was expressly granted by statute.
Ma’aji also cited the Supreme Court’s warning against judicial expansion of statutory provisions, insisting that any ambiguity in penal legislation must be resolved in favour of the accused persons.
Quoting the Supreme Court decision in Nigerian Navy v. Lambert, the second accused submitted: “It is settled law that penal statutes are to be construed strictly to the benefit of the accused person and that where there is a reasonable construction that avoids the penalty in any particular case, the court must adopt that construction.”
The preliminary objection further contended that for a charge of mutiny or incitement to mutiny to stand, there must be allegations of concerted insubordination, defiance of military authority or refusal of lawful command or organised military rebellion against superior military command.
According to the defence, the particulars supplied by the prosecution failed to disclose those essential ingredients.
On this ground, he urged the General Court Martial to uphold his preliminary objection and dismiss the charges against him for want of jurisdiction.
Meanwhile, a witness in the ongoing trial of six alleged coup plotters before the Federal High Court in Abuja, on Wednesday, told investigators that Ma’aji allegedly threatened to force his way into the Presidential Villa, even if insiders refused to cooperate.
The fourth defendant, Zekeri Umoru, made the allegation in a video previewed in court during proceedings in the trial-within-trial over the admissibility of the defendants’ extrajudicial statements.
Umoru and five others in April were arraigned before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik on 13 counts of criminal charges over alleged complicity in an alleged coup plot to overthrow Tinubu’s government.
The six defendants: Maj Gen Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (retd), Capt Erasmus Victor (retd), Insp Ahmed Ibrahim, Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni and Abdulkadir Sani, however, pleaded not guilty to all the counts after the charge was read to them.
At the resumed sitting, Umoru, who worked with Julius Berger on the Presidential Villa clinic project, alleged that Ma’aji, through the third defendant, Insp Ibrahim, asked him to recruit between 18 and 19 persons working inside the Villa, including soldiers, Department of State Service personnel and Julius Berger staff.
According to the video evidence played in court, Umoru alleged that plans were discussed to switch off electricity within the Presidential Villa to aid the operation, but he warned that such an action would immediately trigger investigations and lead to the detention of workers on duty.
He further claimed that Insp Ibrahim later demanded N100m from Ma’aji to facilitate access into the Villa through an ambulance route, but Ma’aji allegedly rejected the amount as excessive, insisting he could still gain entry by force, although “there would be bloodshed.”
The witness also told investigators that he became uncomfortable with the alleged plan and repeatedly attempted to return the money given to him, insisting that the Presidential Villa “was not child’s play.”
He denied having access to the Villa’s solar power plant, despite allegations that he intended to sabotage the electricity supply within the complex.
The court further heard that Umoru did not immediately report the alleged plot to authorities because Insp Ibrahim allegedly advised him to delete messages and avoid contacting Ma’aji due to an ongoing audit in their office.
Following the screening of the video evidence, Justice Abdulmalik adjourned the matter until May 21 for continuation of the trial-within-trial.

News
Terrorists have infiltrated no less than 40 South-West LGs — Gani Adams
Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, Gani Adams, has raised fresh concerns over insecurity in the South-West, claiming that terrorists have infiltrated at least 40 local government areas across the region.
While speaking in a recent interview with The Punch, Adams said the threat in the South-West has become more serious than many people realise.
“We have 137 local government areas in the South-West, and we spotted not remnants of terrorists, but a lot of terrorists in no fewer than 40 local governments. We have many terrorists that have infiltrated those local government areas,” he said.
Adams revealed that his group had documented the development but chose not to make the information public immediately because they hoped to work directly with state governments to tackle the problem.
“We kept that document to ourselves because we were more confident that working with state governments, which are the institutions governing the states, would yield results compared to working with law enforcement agents,” he stated.
The Yoruba leader, however, expressed disappointment over what he described as the refusal of governors in the region to engage with his organisation despite repeated warnings over the past two years.

“As a result, we called for collaboration with state governments for the past two years. This is a government that knows your antecedents, knows that you have a structure across Yorubaland, even beyond Yorubaland and in some northern states, yet refuses to talk to you, refuses to agree with you, or even assist you, despite being in power and benefitting from security votes,” Adams said.
“Yet they didn’t call to discuss with you. So, you have to bear in mind that the only assistance you can give to Yoruba people is to talk to the media and give little information that some states have been infiltrated and that there would be attacks in those states, because you are not helping matters by divulging the entire information,” he added.
Reacting to the recent abduction of pupils, teachers and residents in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, Adams said local hunters and vigilante groups may not possess sophisticated weapons but still have a critical role to play in combating insecurity.
According to him, all factions of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) and other local security groups in the South-West are ready to collaborate against criminal elements.
“All hands must be on deck to confront these criminals. You can have less potential and still know the criminals in your area. Security is not always about carrying sophisticated arms,” he said.
“You need intelligent people. You need people who can infiltrate enemy territories. You need multilingual people who can speak different languages and use that advantage to gather intelligence.
“You also need people with spiritual potential. You even need clerics who will pray for the success of your mission. So, the issue of security has different sectors. By combining those sectors, you can achieve victory against criminals,” Adams added.
His comments come days after gunmen attacked schools and surrounding communities in the Ogbomoso axis of Oyo State, abducting several pupils, students and teachers from Baptist Nursery and Primary School in Yawota, Community Grammar School and L.A Primary School in Esin Ele.
Ondo State and several other communities in the South-West have also witnessed repeated attacks by suspected kidnappers and armed groups in recent months.

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